Paul Goble
Staunton,
October 1 – Almost all commentaries about Moscow’s raising of the ages at which
Russians can get pensions has focused on the ways in which this has provoked new
divisions between the population and the powers that be. But this action has also divided Russians
along generational and other social lines.
Russians
in the provinces are angry at Muscovites because of the special supplements the
latter receive, the Rosbalt journalist says. Those just below the new pension
age are angry at those in their age cohort who have already have pensions. And younger
people have very different views about their reform than do their elders (rosbalt.ru/blogs/2018/10/01/1735647.html).
The authorities have
exacerbated some of these divisions by legislation protecting those near
pension age from being fired and providing that such people have the right to “demand
assistance from their children,” Voloshina points out. Such policies have the effect of setting one
generation against another.
“What can one call a state which
puts people in conditions when they begin to dream about the death of those
near them?” she asks, one that first “’optimized’” medical care beyond the
reach of many and then “gave birth to a new social group of outcasts, people 55
to 60”? Even though such people have supported their children?
Russian Finance Minister Anton
Siluanov says that the government hasn’t considered those questions, Voloshina
continues. But if that is the case, “why threaten employers for firing citizens
over 50 despite their qualifications?” Obviously, many who are drafting laws
aren’t the smartest; but clearly they aren’t being honest either.
This pattern, the commentator says,
leads people despite themselves to a conspiratorial vision of their country, to
the assumption that the powers that be are pursuing some Machiavellian intentions
of promoting suicides or even murders among some citizens to save the state
money.
That may not be
the case, of course. But Voloshina’s argument suggests another which it would
be a mistake to ignore. Those who think
that the only result of the pension reform is dividing Russians from their
government are missing the point that in fact it is dividing them from each
other.
And given the longstanding tradition
of the authorities in Moscow to play divide-and-rule politics against potential
opponents, it is entirely possible that highlighting these divisions will
become an increasingly important part of the Kremlin’s playbook, one that may
win it support from some larger social groups even as it costs it the backing
of other, smaller ones.
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