Paul Goble
Staunton, July 30 – In the final decades
of Soviet power, environmental protests were often the first stage toward more
radical political movements. Because protecting the environment was
superficially apolitical and attracted a wide variety of people, such protests
allowed activists to acquire skills they later deployed in other, more
political ways.
Many have wondered whether
environmental protests in Russia now like those in Shiyes against the Moscow trash
dump plan and in Bashkortostan in opposition to the despoiling of a
symbolically important monument could play a similar role. (See Mari-Ann
Kelam’s comments on what happened in Estonia in region.expert/mari-ann/).
Because of that possibility and the
fact that the Internet works as an accelerator of this transformation, Tatyana
Chestina, head of the EKA Environmental Movement, says, Moscow has been taking
steps to prevent it (7x7-journal.ru/articles/2020/11/02/ekologicheskaya-povestka-obedinyaet-lyudej-s-raznymi-vzglyadami-lider-ekodvizheniya-eka-tatyana-chestina-o-politizacii-protesta-pobedah-na-shiese-i-kushtau-i-trende-na-ekopotreblenie).
But in an essay for the Posle.Media
portal, Russian commentator and activist Kirill Medvedev says Moscow has
largely failed and that environmental protests are often the seedbed for other
broader political actions given the centrality of defending land for many
outside of Moscow (posle.media/article/protestuya-my-zashchishchaem-zakon).
Last year, approximately 300 protest
campaigns took place in 40 federal subjects of the Russian Federation, he
points out. Most were about environmental or urban planning issues, nominally
non-political issues. But in many cases, they became political especially when
non-Russian ethnic groups are involved.
Medvedev drew that conclusion on the
basis of a close study of the Shiyes protest which took place at the border of
a Russian and a non-Russian federal subject, the Bashkortostan environmental
actions, and a campaign launched by a Chechen woman who was living in St.
Petersburg but returned to her native republic.
The activist says that this trend
reflects the growing number of environmental disasters across the RF, the
over-centralization of political power, and the lack of meaningful regional
autonomy; and consequently, it is natural that when people protest one thing,
they link up with others who are concerned not only about that but about other political
issues as well.
“When protest options are becoming
ever fewer, when old protest structures are gone, and when post-Soviet resistance
traditions are broken, those who want to speak up have only a few tools left,” especially
given that “almost everyone tries to act within the narrowing framework of the law
and almost everyone insists their actions are ‘apolitical.’”
But “no matter how much one
distances oneself from politics,” Medvedev says, “the need to create a broader
framework for discussion local issues remains.” And now “instead of competition
between major political programs … we see the reinvention or creation of
collective and sometime personal rituals, a struggle for the interpretation of
official symbols.”
One of the most important of these
is the defense of land, in various senses of the work including as the state
salutes the defense of the RF’s newly-expanded borders, its actions are
perceived by many in the regions as an attack on their land, whether it be
their private plots, their protected forest and mountain areas, or the
administrative borders of their minority republics.”
According to Medvedev, “engaged
citizens from various regions of Russia are re-learning how to do politics
under the new conditions. They are being forced to forge new connections across
barriers erected by the authorities and to take state-supported rituals and
then re-code them” be they about historical issues, environmental concerns or
their own borders.
“Is it possible to create a
political space in which the struggle for land against federal officials and
corporations becomes a common front and outdated patriarchal traditions ceased to
be a means of terrorizing, dividing and paralyzing society?” the activist and
commentator asks rhetorically.
“Perhaps, but that will require not
only that local activists display courage and ingenuity but that they also
receive non-dogmatic attention, support and solidarity across all kinds of
borders” and not just those that Moscow has imposed in the first place or is
playing with under Putin’s rule.