Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 17 – Discussions
about a new law on “a civic Russian nation” that Vladimir Putin is promoting
have highlighted rather than overcome the negative stereotypes people in
various nations and regions inside the Russian Federation currently have about
each other, according to a new study.
As Aleksandr Uspensky notes, “even
if the state adopts a new name for a single people, that won’t end” the
stereotypical views residents of various regions and members of various nations
have about others, many of which are longstanding
and more often negative than positive (yodnews.ru/2016/11/16/pochemu-moskvichi-zlye-a-yakuty-krasivye-karta-stereotipov-o-zhitelyah-regionov-rossii/).
Using
Yandex searches following the format “why” is this or that group “this or that
way,” the Yodnews journalist found among other things that Russians and
non-Russians on the periphery view Muscovites and European Russia as “evil,”
those in the Primorsky kray as “people who speak too fast,” and people from Sakha
as “beautiful.”
That
many about whom there are negative stereotypes may not be pleased is suggested
by a large number of articles which have appeared complaining about them. Today
offers one of the most dramatic and dangerous: It is from “Tuvinskaya Pravda”
and is headlined “Why do They Take Us for Chinese?” (http://tuvapravda.ru/?q=content/pochemu-nas-prinimayut-za-kitaycev).
Aydin
Losan, a journalist for the paper, begins by recounting a conversation among
Tuvins who were waiting at a rail station. Some Russians who passed by called them
Chinese, an action that prompted one Tuvin to ask another: why? The second replied “We are Tuvins and not
Chinese?”
And
what’s the difference the first asked? “Tuva is part of the Russian Federation
and it is shameful not to know this,” the second replied. Unfortunately, Losan
says, such ignorance and prejudice is not only widespread but is promoted by
the educational system, the media and even government policy.
“Why
do the residents of one country know nothing about their compatriots, about
those whom they live next to and whom they must be prepared to stand shoulder
to shoulder to defend it?” he asks rhetorically.
Today,
Losan continues, “the average resident” of the central part of Russia “doesn’t
know what republics are part of the Russian Federation, often mistakenly
calling a Nenets or an Ingush an immigrant or a foreigners. Muscovites moreover
automatically view someone of non-Slavic appearance as an immigrant or a
gastarbeiter.”
“Russia
is a multi-national and poly-cultural country in which officially are
represented three world religions, in which live more than 160 ethnic
communities who speak 174 and according to some more than 1000 languages and
dialects,” he writes. This “multiplicity”
has evolved historically and makes Russia “unique.”
It
has contributed to its vitality and to its defense, and consequently it is
worth asking “why then have certain present-day Russians forgotten how variety
and multi-faceted our country is?” Geography lessons in schools clearly aren’t
sufficient to do that, and even those with university degrees sometimes ask “Isn’t
Izhevsk perhaps in Belarus?”
What
is interesting, Losan continues, is this: “Even the programs of federal TV
channels do not give the whole picture of the Russian ethnic world. Films are
mostly made by directors in the capital who in turn typically use only Moscow
actors. Those actors with non-Slavic features are as a rule confined to certain
“extremely specific roles” and not positive ones.
“Caucasians
most of all are marginal personalities, terrorists or separatists. Asians are
traders or comical people. Perhaps, I am mistaken,” he says, “but for the
entire Soviet period, no Russian cinematographer made a single film the main
hero of which was someone who had a non-Slavic visage.”
In
the United States, Losan says, “there exists an unwritten cinematographic law
according to which there must be present Afro-Americans, Asians, Hindus or
Latinos. That is, all the varied representatives of American society.” There is
no counterpart to this in Russian films at present.
TV
is if anything worse. Not only are ethnic Russians the only ones in key roles
in talk shows and serials, but there is so little news about the non-Russians
that when it does occur, that is an occasion. “Even in forecasting the weather,”
Moscow television “somehow forgets about the republic.” And advertising is the
same. “In recent decades,” he says, he does not remember “a single
advertisement with people of non-European looks.”
Indeed,
the situation is so dire that not long ago, the leadership of one St.
Petersburg university photoshopped a picture of students there so that a
Bashkir student’s face was replaced with an ethnic Russian. That sparked
Internet protests, but it reflects a far larger problem, the Tuvin journalist
says.
“There
are a mass of other issues” as well, he says. “For example, why in one of the most
prestigious units of the Armed Forces of our country, the Kremlin regiment, are
accepted only those who look Slavic?” That all contributes to ignorance of
Russians about the non-Russians and that ignorance contributes to stereotypes
and hostility.
In
the US, there was at one point a drive to create ethnically specific television
and radio channels, but that won’t work in Russia if the point is to unite all
the ethnic and regional groups into a common whole. What Russia should do, however, is “a
complicated question” that requires careful
consideration and handling.
“To
decide these questions in a noisy way by raising them in the State Duma or the
Government of the Russian Federation will only harm things,” Losan says. Instead, everyone involved needs to think
calmly and more forward step by step rather than in a sweeping and incautious
way.
Otherwise there will certainly be
even more problems, something no one needs. And the residents of the Russian
Federation should feel a common identity “not just before the Day of National
Unity or the Day of Russia but in the daily weather predictions” offered now by
Moscow television.
No comments:
Post a Comment