Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 25 – The Russian
Federation is “again entering a period of radical changes when entirely
different and still unknown forces and figures” will replace those that
President Vladimir Putin has assembled around him, according to Valery Solovey,
an MGIMO professor who heads the New Force Party.
In an interview with Aleksandr
Zadorozhny that appeared on the Ekaterinburg internet-newspaper “Znak” on
Saturday, Solovey went significantly beyond the conclusions offered last week
by Minchenko Consulting concerning shifts at the top of the Russian political
system (znak.com/urfo/articles/23-02-00-38/100364.html).
As
both the change of Russia’s defense minister and the departure of members of
the Duma show, Solovey said, Russia’s “elite understands very well that Putin
is weakening and has begun to thin about its own political fate after him,” a
future “which may come somewhat earlier” than the next scheduled presidential elections.
What is occurring and what the elite
has taken note of, he continued, is that “the existing construction of power
created in the first decade of this century has entered into a stage of
self-destruction” and that “the longer things go on, the more rapid will be the
destruction of all this construction.” Indeed, Solovey said, “a moment will
come when it will simply disintegrate.”
That “does not mean,” of course,
that elements of the elite will not survive, he said. They are too
“significant” for that, “but the entire pyramid which is based not on the
foundation but on the top, that is, on the president, is beginning to fall
apart.” Up to now, the conflicts within the elite over this have mostly been
behind the scenes, but that could soon change.
“The elite will come out openly only” when
there are major protests “from below,” and in that event, “part of the elite
will extend its hand to this civic protest.” Putin understands this, Solovey
said, and is seeking to maintain “a policy of balance” within the elite, but
“all the same, politically he really has weakened.”
Those
around the president are much less in control of the situation than they were
only a few years ago, he continued, because “the strategic framework has
already been defined” as one in which “Russia has entered an all-national
political crisis.” This is something that has become “inevitable and
irreversible.”
Many
experts in Russia and even more abroad agree that “Russia is a former great
power which is now in degradation.” Moreover,
Solovey insisted, “there is no way to stop this,” although he conceded that
“today we are only at the beginning phase of the crisis.” It is thus far too
early to say what Russia will chose other than to turn its back on the current
leadership.
Pressed by his interviewer, Solovey acknowledged that “one
needs to be realistic: Russia for a long time yet … will remain primarily a raw
materials exporter and will continue to depend in a critical way on the export
of these raw materials.” But that “does not
mean” that Moscow could not make choices that would result in far better use of
its earnings than it has.
Just
exactly what will precipitate some of these dramatic changes is by definition
unknown, Solovey argued, but he said that tensions over immigration are now so
high that an inter-ethnic fight in a major city could lead to violence and
strikes elsewhere. If that were to occur, “after three or four days, we simply would
not recognize Russia.”
Members
of the top elite are already speculating about this and trying to decide what
they should do, he continued. That is typical of all regimes as they approach
their end, and equally typical are the harsh measures those regimes adopt in
the hope of maintaining themselves for a little longer. Unfortunately for them,
such actions are usually counterproductive.
But
when this process takes place, Solovey said, it will not necessarily involve “catastrophic
excesses” or anything like a civil war or even an Arab spring. Moreover, those
at the top will be swept away. And third, new leaders will emergence, quite
possibly “people from the regions.”
The
exit of Pekhtin from the Duma highlights an important step in that direction,
Solovey argued. Under Putin, people like
Pekhtin could acquire second and sometimes even a first home abroad. “In the Bible,
there is a remarkable phrase: where your treasure it so too will be your heart.”
But
now the Putin regime has turned “180 degrees” and is saying to the elites: “No,
from now on, your motherland is here, it awaits you and your children.
Return. It is this decision which has
turned the entire elite against Putin.”
They aren’t interested in serving Russia, Solovey said. “They prefer to
leave.”
There
is much talk of forming a new political coalition as the party of power and of
holding elections as soon as possible “when the situation is still on the whole
under control and can guarantee the necessary result, giving the authorities a
new lease on life and a new legitimacy.”
But
it is likely, Solovey argued, that such voting “will lead to exactly the
opposite results, to the disintegration of the system.” And he suggested that
none of the issues the regime has raised such as changing the territorial
divisions of the country will prevent that because while the political class
may be interested in such things, society as a whole is interested in “other
things.”
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