Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 10 – Speaking in
Amsterdam on Monday, President Vladimir Putin referred to Russians, Tatars,
Chechens, Bashkirs, Daghestanis, “and others” as “the so-called titular
nations” of the Russian Federation, a remark that raises questions about the
meaning of that term and has offended Russian nationalists, non-Russian nations
and immigrants.
In an article on Slon.ru yesterday,
Stanislav Yeliseyev says that Putin’s use of this “short phrase” managed to
offend all at once Russian “nationalists, fellow Slavs and even Lezgins and
Dargins” and showed that the president has not figured out how to navigate the difficult
landscape of nationality policy (slon.ru/fast/russia/putin-titulnye-natsii-v-rf-eto-russkie-tatary-chechentsy-i-dagestantsy-929220.xhtml).
On Monday, he reports, Putin spoke
about some of Russia’s demographic problems in the course of discussing the
issue of the rights of sexual minorities.
In that context, the Russian leader told the Dutch that he would like to
see “in Russia above all fertility grow among the so-called titular nations:
the Russians, the Tatars, the Chechens, the Bashkirs, the Daghestanis, and so
on.”
On the one hand, Yeliseyev says,
Putin’s list raises some serious questions about “the mechanism of the
political thinking of the president,” given that he did not list the
nationalities of the Russian Federation by size. Ethnic Ukrainians who do not
have a national republic within the Russian Federation and the Chuvash who do
both are more numerous than the Chechens.
And on the other, there are real
problems with the use of the term “titular nation.” According to the Russian legal dictionary
published in 2000, such a community is “the part of the population of a state
the nationality of which defines the official name of that state.” In the Russian case, that is a controversial
issue.
The Russian Federation, it would
seem, Yeliseyev continues, is populated by “Rossiyane,” that is, a non-ethnic
civic nation consisting of ethnic “Russians and Tatars and Bashkirs and Chuvash
and all the rest of the 190 peoples plus almost 1.5 million people who during
the last census did not want to indicate their nationality.”
There is no ethnic Russian “subject”
within the Russian Federation, he points out, but if one uses language and
declarations of identity rather than the legal definition of titular
nationality, then the ethnic Russians who were reported to number 111 million
in the 2010 census are candidates for that status.
Thus, Yeliseyev suggests, Putin’s “formulation”
is a kind of “Freudian compromise,” one that does not reflect realities on the ground. It lumps together those nationalities which
do have an autonomous formation bearing their own name and those which don’t
ranging from the ethnic Russians at one end of the scale to the smallest groups
at the other like the Aysors and Yukagirs.
And it conflates the more than 30
indigenous nationalities of Daghestan into a Daghestani single Daghestani
nation, thus offending not only the findings of linguistics and ethnography but
also the major nationalities of that North Caucasus republic, including in
particular the Avars and the Lezgins.
But even more than that, Putin’s use
of this term shows that in the 21st century, “it is time to forget”
the notion of a “titular” nation, a concept that was “dreamed up by one of the chief
ideologues of nationalism, Maurice Barre, for propagandizing chauvinism at the
height of the famous Dreyfus case” more than a century ago.
Other experts pointed to other
shortcomings in Putin’s understanding.
Some at the Institute of Demography of the Moscow Higher School of
Economics noted that over the last 21 years, the greatest growth in numbers among
the nationalities of the country were among Armenians, largely the product of
immigration, and the Chechens, largely the result of high birthrates (nazaccent.ru/content/7423-putin-mne-by-hotelos-chtoby-u.html).
And these scholars noted that in
spite of Putin’s hopes, the number of Russians and Ukrainians had declined over
that same period, by 8.8 million and by 2.4 million, the former because of low
fertility and high mortality rates and the latter because of those factors and emigration.
Moreover, Nazaccent.ru noted, these
scholars said that “in part increases in the numbers of certain peoples [of the
Russian Federation] are to be explained not by demographic processes [like
those the Russian president referred to] but by changes in national
self-consciousness” as reflected in census declarations, an issue that is a
particularly sensitive one among Russians.
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