Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 26 – If the shift
from Tatar to Russian in the mosques of the Russian Federation is driving some
Muslims into the hands of extremist groups, the situation in Kazakhstan is just
the reverse. There, an expert says, the shift from Russian to Kazakh in religious
services is causing Russian-speaking believers to turn to the Islamists.
In an interview given to Kazakhstan’s
“Vremya” newspaper, Marat Smagulov, a Muslim theologian in that country, says
that the official push for the use of Kazakh in the mosques is not only leading
Kazakhs who speak Russian to turn to radicals but also having a similar impact
on believers among ethnic minorities (time.kz/articles/moment/2013/06/12/marat-smagulov-teolog-nelzja-terjat-svoju-veru).
Smagulov says that Islamist
extremism appeared in Kazakhstan in the 1990s for many of the same reasons it
appeared elsewhere in the former Soviet Union: the influx of radical
missionaries, the poor preparation of domestic mullahs and imams, and the
decision of the republic’s Muslim Spiritual Directorate (MSD) to avoid choosing
charismatic Muslims to head local congregations.
But now, he argues, the Kazakstan
authorities have exacerbated these problems by insisting that mosques function
in Kazakh rather than Russian. As soon
as that happened, he notes, “there occurred a colossal outflow of
Russian-language young people into Salafism and other [extremist] trends.”
Then, he continues, in an attempt to
win them back, Kazakh-speaking mullahs and imams “simply translated Salafi
ideas into Kazakh” rather than speaking out against them.
“How can one push the mosque into the framework of the Kazakh
language in a country where peacefully co-exist representatives of more than
130 nations” and where many Kazakhs speak Russian better than the national
language? “Even if only two percent of
those praying do not understand the imam, he must devote attention to them.”
In addition to Russian-speaking
Kazakhs, “young Muslims of other nations who do not understand homilies in
Kazakh have begun to open their own mosques,” dividing the population along
ethnic lines where such divisions did not previously exist. Among the groups that have done so are the
Turks, the Dungans, the Kurds, and the Uyghurs.
Smagulov then asks rhetorically, “how
can imams who do not know Russian conduct disputes with the representatives of
other religions and Salafites?” And he pointedly notes that he isn’t talking
about mullahs in Astana and Almaaty who need to freely speak Arabic in order to
deal with diplomatic representatives from Muslim countries.
This language shift is not the only
thing that is creating problems with Islamist radicalism in Kazakhstan, the
Muslim theologian says. Another is that
there are many officials who support “moderate Salafism” although “they do not
advertise that fact.” They clearly recognize that even Kazakhs who speak Kazakh
often understand homilies in Russian “easier and more quickly.”
Smagulov notes that the government
is spending “enormous sums” to fight religious extremism and terrorism but that
there appear to be some working in hierarchy of the Kazakhstan government who
have decided that “the government should lose this struggle.” Asked who those people might be, the Muslim
theologian says he “doesn’t know” and hopes he is “mistaken.”
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