Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 1 – President Vladimir
Putin at Valdai and Patriarch Kirill at the more recent World Russian Popular Assembly
chose exactly the same themes: “isolationism and the opposition of Russia to
the West, Russia’s moral supremacy over other countries and especially ‘rotten’
Western democracy, and Russia’s special path as a great power.”
Taken together, Roman Lunkin, a
leading Russian specialist on religious affairs at the Institute of Europe of the
Academy of Sciences, says, these constitute “a farewell to democracy,”
something that Kirill has been promoting since long before he became patriarch
but that until now Russian leaders would not have permitted themselves to say
so explicitly.
Kirill has been
using the Russian Popular Assembly to promote these ideas since 1993, and he
and other representatives of the Moscow Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox
Church have “openly and secretly proclaimed a direct struggle with democracy
and other Western values, Lunkin says in a blog post today (echo.msk.ru/blog/romanlunkin/1189312-echo/).
In speech after speech to this group,
Kirill has spoken about the unique qualities of the Russian people and about “the
need to build a corporate Orthodox state on the basis of the concept of ‘Russian
civilization.’” Earlier, he spoke about democracy only as “the harmonization of
the interests of the authorities and the people.” Now, he has dispensed with
that.
Moreover, this year as he has in the
recent past, the patriarch rejected the notion of universal human rights and
said that “the observance of traditional moral values and way of live” must
have “primacy,” even if that requires the use of force by the state itself,
views that have attracted many Russian nationalists to his side, even if they
are not especially religious.
And, Lunkin continues, “it is no
accident that the patriarch cited the philosopher Ivan Ilin who spoke for the establishment
of a corporate-social strata national-orthodox state” and who infamously but
consistently “greeted at the outset national socialism in Germany” under Adolf
Hitler.
“The Russian Orthodox solidarist state,
which in the speech of Patriarch Kirill is declared to be the highest goal, on
the one hand, [is intended to] provoke the authorities to solve the nationality
question,” Lunkin adds. “But on the other hand, the empire is becoming a farce”
as is the declaration of the Russian political system as “the most moral”
regime.
That is because today “abortions,
suicide, and drug use flourish more [in Russia] than in the ‘rotten’ West,”
because “the most peaceful ‘symphony of ethnoses’ is directly contradicted by
the Caucasian wars and the destruction of the peoples of the Far North,” and
because few in Tatarstan or other non-Russian republics “would agree with the conception
of Holy Russia.”
But what is most
worrisome at least in the short term is that the Russian president has accepted
the ideas of the Russian patriarch, a convergence of state and church likely to
entail the most terrible consequences not only for the two men but for the
community they lead and for the rest of the world that must deal with them and
it.
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