Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 14 – Despite Vladimir
Putin’s success in getting Kyiv not to sign a European Union association
agreement and constant Russian media claims that the Euro-Maidan is about to
collapse, Ivan Nikashin says, “the Kremlin has lost Ukraine” this time around
in because of problems having to do with the still-Soviet nature of the Russian
Federation.
Nikashin, a political activist who
worked for many years in Kyiv and Crimea for former Moscow Oblast Governor
Boris Gromov, says that Russia has gotten seriously involved in Ukrainian
affairs much too late and that even after the warning events of 2004, “no one
was seriously involved with Ukraine” at a conceptual and planning level (nr2.ru/kiev/479233.html).
Ten years have passed since the
Orange Revolution, he continues in a statement to Novy Region 2 yesterday, and
again “Kyiv is full of people,” and Poles and Germans are coming and meeting
with those in the Maidan.
Where is the vaunted “’Russian
Party,’” about which the Moscow media talk so much, in all this? It isn’t anywhere, because in fact, in
Ukraine and even in the Russian Federation, “there is no Russian party.” There are “professional pro-Russian grant
eaters,” but they are impotent” and cannot manage the organization of meetings
in Sebastopol.
Patriarch Kirill before going his
Ukrainian trip raised the issue of a common “’Russian world,’” but it turned
out that “there were problems with its export.”
Today, Nikashin says, “’the Russian world’ [like some goods in the
Soviet-era Beryoshka shops] is a product exclusively for foreign consumption.”
The “Russian world” on offer to
Ukrainians and others, he continues, is “not caviar and matryoshka dolls but
rather decayed sovietism” with only this difference: instead of the hammer and sickle,
there is now “a two-headed eagle, but “the essence remains unchanged: Leninist
and multi-national.”
What kind of “Russian” world can “the most numerous
people in the world without a state” offer Ukrainians? Nikashin asks
rhetorically. None that they would want. Indeed, for Ukrainians, the only basis
of unity with the peoples in the Russian Federation they could find is “antipathy
to the Muscovites”
“Forgive me,” he continues, “but why
should something that’s good for a Tajik be good for a Ukrainian? What do [all
of these peoples] have – brotherhood or a marriage contract? Love or
prostitution?”
Of course, it is true, Nikashin
says, that “the Euromaidan isn’t pretty.” Some of its leaders elicit nothing “except
laughter.” But – and this is the
important thing – there are very many good people taking or sympathizing [to
the Maidan], several of whom [he adds he] know personally.
Despite what Moscow media outlets say,
“they want a normal life and European values for them are values” totally
opposed to those on offer from their own government or from Moscow. And that
shows “a characteristic distinction between Russians and Ukrainians.” The
latter “have the chance to decide who will be in the political field and who
will not.”
Nikashin says he doesn’t like
Ukrainian nationalists like Tyagnybok, but he does like the fact that ‘they
speak and have their part in the show. In Russia, on the other hand, the
nationalists are not allowed into the parliament because the role of defender
of the interests of the indigenous population is assigned to [that] clown
Zhirinovsky.”
“There will not
be any ‘Russian world’ without a nationalist party first in the duma and then
in the Rada.” More than that, Nikashin continues, “anomic Russian society will
not be able to be a strong nucleus even for other unions like the Customs
Union, which will fall apart” as did the Soviet system at the first serious democratic
challenge.
The current demonstrations in the
Maidan may ebb, “but this clearly is not the end of history” given that “Russia
has not learned a lesson” from its own past and from Ukraine’s, preferring
instead to use carrots and sticks to try to keep people within its old
framework. Until that changes, Ukraine won’t be part of a Russian world because
the Russian world won’t exist.
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