Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 6 – Russia’s 49th
Army has announced that it is sending to Stavropol kray “special patrols” consisting
of soldiers to act as police, a step that reflects the deteriorating security
situation in that region, a lack of confidence in the reliability and
effectiveness of the local police, and a dangerous blurring of the functions of
the military and the police.
As of January 1
and in the wake of the Volgograd bombing, Kavkaz-uzel reports, the Russian
military has dispatched “special creating supplemental patrols” of uniformed
military to guard critical infrastructure in Stavropol and several other major
cities in the kray (kavkaz-uzel.ru/articles/236172/).
These military units, commanders
say, will work together with the local police and with Cossack units. Elsewhere
in Stavropol kray, army units will be kept on high alert so that they can be
dispatched to any location where there might be problems beyond the capacity of
the local police to meet.
MVD officers in Pyatigorsk report
that the Russian army is taking the same steps there, an indication that the
Kremlin appears to have made a broader decision to take this step across the
region even though it has not yet issued such an order in public.
That last danger is something Moscow
and Western analysts have been warning about for some time. By transferring MVD
officers to the Sochi area, they say, Moscow has likely improved security in
the immediate area of the Games but left other areas relatively unprotected and
thus more likely targets for attack, as was the case in Volgograd.
That is a serious problem because it
calls attention to two others: the underdevelopment of police forces in many
parts of Russia and a dangerous blurring of responsibilities between those of the
police and those of the armed services.
To speak of the underdevelopment of
the police in Russia may seem a contradiction in terms, but in fact there are
good reasons for doing so. At the end of
the tsarist period, for example, when many viewed Russia as nothing more than a
police state, St. Petersburg spent on the police per capita three percent of the
amount spent on police in Italy at the same time.
That meant that the state had the
ability to launch demonstrative attacks on occasion but not to police the
country effectively on a daily basis. That led simultaneously to often thuggish
behavior by the authorities and to increasing alienation of the population from
the authorities who could be cruel but were often not effective.
In Soviet and post-Soviet times, of
course, Moscow has spent more on police than in the past, but as students of
the subject have pointed out, many of the police are used less to prevent crime
or violence than to maintain control over the population (and to extract money
from it corruptly), a major reason most Russians have such a low opinion of the
police.
But it is the blurring of
responsibilities between the police and the armed services that is particularly
worrying, not just because it points in the direction of the construction of a
police state but also because it means that police work as normally understood
will be done even more poorly and that the authorities will intervene too late
to prevent disasters.
According to generally accepted definitions,
“the police are primarily responsible for the maintenance of public order [and
the] prevention and detection of crimes” (preservearticles.com/201012251630/functions-of-the-police.html).
The military in contrast is “an organization authorized ... to use lethal force
... in defending its country by combating actual or perceived threats” (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military).
As can be seen,
the functions of the two, while they touch at certain points, are not the same,
and the introduction of any confusion creates dangers. The military is trained
to use violence against opponents, often to destroy them altogether. The police on the other hand are supposed to
employ it in a far more limited way to enforce laws.
When conditions deteriorate beyond a
certain point, the military can be and often is used to restore order to the
point where the police can perform normally. But organizing joint patrols for
an indeterminate period almost certainly means that the rules that guide the one
will affect the other to the detriment of both.
Thus, taking a step which seems so
minor is a confirmation of just how desperate the situation has become in many
parts of the North Caucasus before the Sochi Olympiad and how likely it is that
Russia’s forces of order there will in the event of violence shoot first and
ask questions only later, a pattern that is anything but reassuring for
residents and visitors alike.
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