Paul
Goble
February 3 – In order to drive a
wedge between the Ukrainian national movement and the Crimean Tatars and to lay
the groundwork for a Russian thrust into Crimea, a Russian analyst says that
the Crimean Tatars are not only separatists but Islamist radicals who threaten
more than just Ukraine.
By presenting the Crimean Tatars as
interested in separatism, the analyst clearly seeks to undermine the
cooperation that has existed between that nation and the Ukrainian opposition,
and by painting them as an Islamist force he equally clearly wants to provide a
justification for a Russian intervention -- or at a minimum to limit Western
criticism of such a step.
While it is true that the Crimean
Tatars would like to see greater autonomy now and possibly independence at some
point in the future, it is not the case that they are an Islamist force that
threatens jihad in Ukraine and elsewhere or that Moscow is justified in using
force against or that the West should be lulled into thinking that would be part of
a common anti-terrorist effort.
On Moscow’ Strategic Culture
Foundation site on Saturday, Nikolay Malishevsky argues that in recent years
the Crimean Tatar national movement has become ever more “an anti-Russian force”
and therefore is supporting the Maidan against the Ukrainian government (fondsk.ru/news/2014/02/02/tatarskij-komponent-kievskih-besporjadkov-25536.html).
Two months ago,
Malishevsky says, reports began to appear about the arrival of “radical
Islamists” from Crimea in Kyiv, a “Crimean descent” of “veterans of militant
actions in Syria who fought as part of the anti-government armed formations.” According to the analyst, the group was
organized by Akhtem Chiygoz, the deputy chairman of the Crimean Tatar Mejlis.
At present, he continues, there are
approximately one thousand Crimean Tatars in Kyiv working as part of the Maidan’s
self-defense detachments, a term with unfortunate associations he says because similar
units were formed to support the Nazis’ imposition of “a new order” in Crimea
during World War II.
Malishevsky argues that the Crimean
Tatars see instability in Ukraine as their “great chance.” Refat Chubarov, the chairman of the Crimean
Tatar Mejlis, said that “after blood was shed, no one will make tactical
concessions ... Under the feet of the powers the land will begin to burn, and
in fact the popular uprising has come to the regions” and will “cleanse
Ukraine.”
According to the Moscow analyst, to this
end, the Crimean Tatars plan to double their “’contingent’” in Kyiv, financing
this effort on their own. On the one hand, Malishevsky says, this shows that
the Crimean Tatars have a short memory: they supported the Orange Revolution
but did not benefit from it in the ways that they expected.
And on the other, he continues, the
delay in sending more Crimean Tatars to Kyiv may simply reflect the absence of
a final agreement about such a step by the divided Maidan opposition “and what
is the main thing,” a similar absence of agreement “with [their] protectors
abroad.”
These foreign “protectors” of the
Crimean Tatars are very divided, Malishevsky says. What Washington wants is very different from
what Beijing does, and that in turn is very different from what either Warsaw
or Ankara does. And that is the case even though all are threatened by Islamism
and the instability it produces.
According to the Moscow analyst, “the
Tatar nationalists in Crimea who have been counting on NATO’s support are ready
to act openly by transforming the social-political contradictions of Ukrainian
society into an inter-ethnic war on the model of the Kosovo variant” in the
former Yugoslavia.
The Crimean Tatars plan to use this
opportunity to “proclaim Tatr territorial autonomy within the Autonomous
Republic of Crimea, then to transform such a territorial autonomy into a national
one, then to proclaim its sovereignty and so on and on to the complete separation
of Crimea” from Ukraine.
Malishevsky’s tendentious and distorted description
of the Crimean Tatars is clearly intended to generate opposition to them among
Ukrainians in the first instance and the West in the second and to lay the ideological
ground work for a Russian intervention into Crimea, possibly using Russian
forces in Sebastopol, that at least some in the West would not oppose.
That makes his words both dangerous and
important, dangerous because they betray a habit of mind in Moscow that would
invoke Islamism and separatism to invade and thus produce the very things
Malishevsky accuses the Crimean Tatar of and important because they thus
provide clues about one of Moscow’s possible strategies as Ukrainian
developments unfold.
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