Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 14 – Ethnic tensions
are high in many parts of the Russian Federation and will continue to do so,
according to a study carried out by the Club of the Regions and the Center for
the Study of Ethnic Conflicts, until Moscow recognizes that focusing on
organizations rather than ideas -- as it has done up to now -- will do little to
change the situation.
“In the absence of a state policy of
‘active interference,’” the authors of the study say, “the ideological vacuum
[in the country] is being intensively fille by varioius organizations,
including those who profess destructive and anti-social ideas.” But fighting organizations
rather than ideas “will not have the desired effect” (grani.ru/Society/Xenophobia/m.227745.html
Indeed, they conclude that if Moscow
continues on its current course, “inter-ethnic tension in the regions of Russia
will only increase” and spead to those where it is still “latent” given the
impact of immigrants and media stories about their involvement in crimes of one
kind or another.
The survey, which examined 570 “ethnically
motivated actions” including everything from xenophobic posts on the Internet
to mass street violence, concluded that “the demographic pressure of the poor
agrarian south on the industrial and wealthier north” is leading to tensions in
areas far from Muslim ones.
The investigators pointed to the
following factors behind the rise of inter-ethnic tensions: “uncontrolled
migration, social-economic depression which leads to ‘a search for the guilty’
and xenophobia, the lack of a well-developed nationality problem,” the lack of
reliable information about what is going on, corruption, and “the dissemination
of radical Islam and the activity of other countries.”
The majority of the participants in
the study pointed to Daghestan, the North Caucasus generally, and adjoining regions
as among the most problematic, but they suggested that the idle Volga was “an
independent hearth of tension” rather than an extension of the North Caucasus,
noted that several regions in the Far East had problems and that Moscow and St.
Petersburg had higher levels of inter-ethnic tensions than many North Caucasus
republics.
The full study is available at club-rf.ru/thegrapesofwrath/01/. For useful discussions in addition to the Grani.ru
one cited above, see newsru.com/russia/14apr2014/mos.html,
kommersant.ru/doc/2452040, asiarussia.ru/news/2662/ and nazaccent.ru/content/11296-opublikovan-pervyj-rossijskij-rejting-mezhnacionalnyh-ugroz.html).
The study
grouped the subjects of the federation into three groups on the basis of the
current state of inter-ethnic relations and prospects for the future and
offered 14 specific findings and recommendations. But the most interesting comments in the
study concern five extremely sensitive issues.
First, most experts said that they
do not consider “the status of a titular ethnos in the subject of the Federation
as necessarily a factor producing tensions.” Sometimes it can be and sometimes
not, and the usual problems are with representatives of other peoples in the first
instance ethnic Russians.
Second, the study said that “crime
is a supra-ethnic phenomenon resulting from social-economic and not ethnic
factors” and indicated that there is no adequate definition of “’ethnic crime.’” But half of the experts said that ethnic
crime of one kind or another nonetheless is a factor in the rise of
inter-ethnic tensions.
Third, it concluded that “nationalism
in its radical manifestations is an essential factor in the growth of
inter-ethnic tension” and that this is true of “both Russian nationalism and
the nationalism of ethnic minorities.”
Russian nationalism is a greater problem in Moscow, St. Petersburg, and
the south; non-Russian nationalism is more important elsewhere.
Fourth, the study said that in the
future, there will be the further “ethnicization of day to day and social
conflict” and “the politicization of ethnic conflicts,” as well as “a growth in
protests connected with ethnic themes.” But
that trend is “not connected exclusively with ethnicity” but is the product of
a variety of other factors.
Among the ones the study’s authors
listed were “the spread of radical Islam, the passivity of the federal center
and attempts by foreign states to influence national regions, rapid
urbanization of the North Caucasus population and its exodus to Central Russia,
and the intensification of competition for jobs between the indigenous
population and immigrants.”
And fifth, the study suggested that
the absence of a clearly articulated federal policy in this area meant that
most of the work in addressing it has fallen to the regions. Some are doing
relatively well – it pointed to Saratov, Orenburg, Mordvinia and Chuvashia –
but others are doing badly.
Among those falling short, the study
said are Krasnodar and Stavropol krays and Moscow, both the city and the
oblast. And it added that “in the majority
of Russian-language krays and oblasts, the authorities are only reacting to
events rather than pro-actively trying to direct them.
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