Staunton, January 25 – Vladimir Putin
is not building a state on the basis of either communist or fascist regimes of
the past but rather one that will be “a state without precedent” in that he
wants it to combine elements of each of those as well as features from other
regimes as well, according to Andrey Zubov.
The Russian analyst who was forced
out of his position at MGIMO because of his opposition to Putin’s policies on
Ukraine argues that the Kremlin leader is seeking to build “a corporate state
of a fascist type packaged in Soviet ideology, the ideology of Stalinism” (golos-ameriki.ru/content/russia-zubov/2611952.html).
Internationally, the political
scientist says, Russia finds itself in a situation much like Soviet Russia did
before Rapallo with no major country recognizing it as a legitimate state. And
domestically, it is more authoritarian than it was in the 19th
century, even though “officially” it is a democratic country.
At a formal level, he continues, the current
Russian regime “is trying to observe” the Constitution and the laws, but what
is “unprecedented” is the fact that today “we have in practice a civil
dictatorship in the country. Perhaps, for the first time in its history” because
the tsars argued their power was based on God’s will and the Bolsheviks that
theirs reflected force alone.
In this respect, Zubov says, “contemporary
Russia very much reminds one of Latin American dictatorships or of Thailand in the
1940s and 1950s,” but it doesn’t resemble “anything in Russian history” because
“Putin is building an unprecedented state,” one very different from the country’s
past or Europe’s present.
It is an authoritarian one that nonetheless
has a certain “pluralist economy,” although one in which the government
exercises control. In that regard, he says, Russia today is like “the Italian
fascism under Italy with its nationalism and union with the church” – although Zubov
hastens to add that “there is no complete similarity” between the two.
Russia may soon leave the Council of Europe as Duma
Speaker Sergey Naryshkin has warned, Zubov says, a step that would “lead to the
further self-isolation of the country” but one that would put Russia “outside
the system of control which is traditionally called ‘the third basket.’” As a
practical matter, it is already there.
As far as Putin’s militarist course is concerned, Zubov
says, one must remember that it was chosen before the collapse of oil prices,
something the Kremlin leader and his advisors could not have foreseen. But now they have fallen, and Russia finds
itself trapped between two diverging lines.
On the one hand, the Russian economy is “suffering a
complete catastrophe and specialists are arguing only about when a default will
occur,” even as military spending increases.
But on the other, Putin has little option but to continue to boost the
latter even in the face of the former.
“If Putin stops throwing money at militarization,” Zubov
says, “Russia will cease to be a state with the most powerful continental army
in Europe, and their the prospects for the creation of a great power with the
help of force will turn out to be completely illusory.” That is a prospect
Putin cannot accept voluntarily.
What awaits Russia if it continues its Putinist course?
Zubov asks. And he suggests that “most likely, there will be social disorders
and a social explosion. Up-to-date anti-Maidan storm trooper detachments are
being prepared for that.” But what will happen when the clash between the two
comes, only God alone knows.
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