Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 22 – Russian
forces fought in the Donbas the way Soviet forces fought “50 years ago,” a
reflection of their lack of contemporary equipment and training and that they
are so “unprepared for modern war” that in a war with NATO, they would suffer
much the same fate as the Zulus against the British army, Pavel Felgegauer
says.
“That does not mean,” the
independent Russian analyst says, that Russian forces cannot conduct another
campaign like the in Ukraine. They can if the enemy resembles one in Ukraine. Instead, it means that Russian forces are not in a position to defeat
modern NATO armies on the field of battle (the-village.ru/village/city/city-news/176731-army).
But Russia is rapidly rearming and
updating its training programs, and as a result, by 2025, a decade from now,
Felgengauer says, the world must be “prepared for a world war” between Russia
and the West “or for a series of major regional conflicts” over natural
resources and spheres of influence.
Although there are some modernized
units in the Russian military and the success of certain FSB units in Crimea,
the Moscow analyst paints a devastating picture of the overall state of the
Russian armed forces:
“The arming and equipment of the
soldiers does not correspond to contemporary standards. They do not have the arms,
the protection, or the communications” that modern armies do. “Nothing has
changed in principle.” Russia doesn’t produce “contemporary rifles or normal
bullets, or artillery shells” and consequently “shoots with the old ones.”
“There are no sniper rifles and no
snipers,” he continues. “There is a clutch of specialists in the FSB who have
foreign arms and bullets. Russian tanks are antiquated and poorly armed, and
they are “willingly purchased only by those countries which do not have any
problems with their birthrates.”
Russian aviation, Felgengauer continues, “cannot
effectively support ground forces, in any case, at night or in bad weather.”
Russian avionics are antequated. And radars of the most advanced kind are
produced only in the US. “We used to purchase them, but we can’t get them
anymore.” Russia can’t produce equivalents.” And it lacks the GPS guidance systems that make modern armies so
effective.
All this means, he
concludes, that Russia’s armed forces currently “are at the level of Pakistan’s.
Of course, [Russia] has nuclear weapons, rockets, and submarines,” although “how
many of them really are suitable for use in the event of a nuclear war, no one
knowns for certain or will specially seek to find out.”
Changing that,
Felgengauer says, will not be easy because “all serious modernizations in
Russian history have relied on Western technology,” and now it is going to be
more difficult to gain access to it.
Moreover, he
points out, “Russia in general is a very provincial country situated to the
side of progress in the world and especially with regard to its armed forces.”
It was “isolated already in tsarist times,” and its commanders and political
leaders “do not understand what contemporary war is.”
“They know that
there are new technologies” and tactics, Felgengauer says, but up to now, they
train their officers to fight the way they did in World War II, even though the
advanced world has moved on. And it will be a real tragedy if they conclude
that they achieved some great new success in Crimea. That is “an invention and
a scarecrow,” not a reality.
Given that, it is
“of course, possible” that some in Moscow may think they can fight and win a
major war. But that is a delusion, Felgengauer says. What would happen then is
what has happened before when there have been clashes between “contemporary
armies” with those of a more antiquated kind.
Indeed, the
independent analyst says, such a war might look like a clash “of the Spanish
and the Indians or the Zulus with spears against the English with machineguns”
or of Saddam Husseyn with his gigantic army agains the much smaller but much
better armed and led forces of the American led coalition.
Emblematic of
this old-fashioned approach in Russia, he continues, is the belief among many
Russian commanders that the economic crisis will make it easier for them to
fill the ranks because those who can’t find jobs in the private sector will be
happy to become soldiers. That is not how a modern army is complected.
Moscow’s current military thinking reflects
the notion of “a Malthusian trap,” the view that there will necessarily be a
fight for resources and that Russia must expand to have more and be ready to
defend itself against others who will be interested in gaining access to the
resources on its territory.
Moscow
views the US as “the main opponent,” with China a distant second, Felgengauer
says. It is thus building a peripheral
defense, in the first instance in Ukraine. “Losing Ukraine” would thus be a
breakdown in that perimeter,” and consequently, he says, Moscow will work to “hold
Ukraine at any cost.”
It
would have been easier for Moscow to do so if it were further along on its
rearmament campaign, perhaps in 2018-2020, but that doesn’t mean it won’t do
what it has to do in order to prevent Ukraine from becoming part of the West.
Not
surprisingly, NATO views what Russia as doing as something which means the
Western alliance “will prepare for a war with Russia.” Two weeks ago, the alliance’s defense
ministers, including those from Greece and Hungary, voted for that and voted to
create a rapid reaction force in Poland to be prepared to deal with any Russian
move against the Baltic countries.
As far as Ukraine is concerned, it will develop as “proxy
wars” typically do because what is taking place in the Donbas is “a proxy war
like Vietnam, Afghanistan, and the Near East conflict. The Cold War has
returned, and the tactic of the Cold War has returned as well.” Those like
Putin who began their careers in the 1970s “understand this quite well.”
In
the coming weeks, there will be “an unstable armistice” because both sides need
“an operational pause.” But it won’t last long and the fighting will intensify
again in the late spring or early summer, Felgengauer says. Russia’s goal is
obvious: “the reestablishment of control over Ukraine.” And that means it is interested
“not in Debaltsevo but in Kyiv.”
Until
Moscow achieves that goal, the conflict will continue, and everyone should
remember that ‘proxy wars can last for decades,” Felgengauer warns in
conclusion.
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