Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 29 – The declaration
by the Russian Procuracy General that the transfer of Crimea from the RSFSR to
Ukraine in 1954 was unconstitutional has no standing in international law not
only because any such decision is the province of the Constitutional Court but
also because it concerns the actions of a state, the USSR, that no longer
exists.
But that does not mean that it isn’t
dangerous, according to historian Boris Sokolov, because at least in the
Russian capital today and among “useful idiots” in the West it creates a
dangerous precedent that Vladimir Putin might use to destabilize the entire
post-Soviet space as well as adjoining territories (grani.ru/opinion/sokolov/m.242379.html).
Some parts of the procuracy
general’s “decision” are simply laughable, as for example its claim that “even
after the tranasfer of Crimean, “Sevastopol retained the status of a city of
all-union subordination” is simply not true, Sokolov says, as anyone can learn
by consulting the Bolshaya Sovetskaya
Entsiklopedia.
But what is most disturbing, Sokolov
says, is that republic borders were changed frequently during Soviet times.
(For a listing and discussion of the most important of these, see Paul Goble, “Can
Republic Borders Be Changed?” RFE/RL
Report on the USSR, 28 September 1990.)
The Ukrainian SSR and the RSFSR
exchanged territory several times in addition to the Crimean transfer. If the
Russian procurator general’s ruling were recognized as legitimate, that would
raise questions about all the others because “the decision” is cast in general
terms rather than limited to the specific case.
“In exactly the same way,” Sokolov
continues, “one would have to recognize as illegal practically all the changes
of the territories of the union republics carried out in Soviet times” because
in almost all cases they were decided upon and implemented in the same way as
the 1954 transfer of Crimea from the RSFSR to Ukraine.
But it could have even broader
implications. If Putin required it, Sokolov suggests, the procurator general
would likely declare the 1867 sale of Alaska to the United States illegal as
well as the 1954 accord in which Iran agreed to give up claims to a portion of
Turkmenistan in perpetuity.
Indeed, the Moscow historian says, “the
application of the principles used by the Procuracy General of Russia in the decision
on Crimea to other legal acts connected with the change of borders among the
union republics could lead to real geographic chaos on the post-Soviet space.”
Now that a deputy from the ruling
United Russia party has appealed to the Procurator General for a ruling on the
recognition of Baltic independence by the State Council of the USSR in 1991,
things could get truly dangerous, Sokolov says. “If it is needed, the Procuracy
General at a necessary moment will declare the State Council an illegitimate
organ and that means the recognition of the independence of the Baltic states
would be considered illegal.”
Should that happen, “the Kremlin
would obtain a pretext ‘to meet the desires of the Russian language population
and begin a hybrid war against Latvia or Estonia,” Sokolov points out.
Such declarations are mostly for
internal consumption; “however, they are addressed also to ‘useful idiots’ in
the West who will affirm that since the Soviet Union was dissolved in a not
completely legal fashion, Putin’s policy has its reasons.” They could become
the basis “for new Russian aggression not only against Ukraine but also against
other post-Soviet states.”
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