Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 13 – Anyone who
follows the Russian media would conclude that the trade unions in that country
have been silent during the crisis, according to two “Nezavisimaya gazeta”
journalists. But in fact, while the media aren’t reporting it, Russian unions
have become significantly more active as the economy has deteriorated.
Aleksey Gorbachev, a political
commentator for the paper, and Velimir Razuvayev, the deputy head of its
politics section, say that there has been vigorous growth in the number of
labor protests” and that over the last year the unions have played an ever
larger role in such actions (ng.ru/politics/2015-08-11/1_protest.html).
They cite a study by the Moscow
Institute for Social-Labor Rights which found that the number of labor actions
grew by 45 percent between the first half of 2014 and the same period in 2015.
Given that the number in the first six months of 2014 was the highest in seven
years, they point out, that means that “the record now belongs to the past six
months.”
Among
the factors sparking labor actions, the Institute study says, are rising
unemployment and reductions in pay and benefits. Often, these have led to
“spontaneous protests in which workers of an enterprise organize actions –
without the participation of the trade unions.”
This “de-institutionalization” of
labor actions has prompted the labor unions to get more involved in order not
to lose the last bits of their reputation as defenders of workers. As a result,
the share of spontaneous actions has in fact declined over the last year, but
the number of actions in which unions either of a particular plant or an
industry has increased by 6-7 percent.
Another reason
unions have become more involved, the two “Nezavisimaya gazeta” writers say, is
that Russian labor law is heavily tilted against workers and makes holding a
legal strike extremely difficult. Only unions, where they exist, may have
people with the expertise to carry them out.
But access to that expertise has
been limited both by the lack of a union presence in many factories and
industries and by state policy. Nikita
Isayev, a lawyer at the Moscow Institute of Actual Economics, says that “in
connection with the process of the active stratification of the Russian economy
over the last 15 years, the trade union machine to a large extent has become a
government system.” And the government and its business allies don’t want
strikes.
Thus, workers are often driven to
engage in illegal and unorganized actions because the government prevents legal
ones. Nonetheless, unions are becoming more active as the protest activity by
workers continues. Aleksey Roshin, a
social psychologist, says he expects this trend to continue “at a minimum to
the end” of 2016.
As a result, more genuine unions may
emerge among workers in industries where they are strong in other countries
such as over-the-road truckers, and political parties who now avoid appealing
to unions even if they claim to represent them may decide again as parties do
in the West to compete for their support.
Unfortunately, Roshhin says, “one of
the simulacra of political life” in Russia is that “’parties are not entirely
or even not completely parties. However
the demand,” he says, “sooner or later will give birth to the supply – and on
the heels of protests will appear trade unions in the full sense of this word,”
something that would be a first for Russia since 1917.
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