Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 16 – Sixty-seven
countries, including two permanent members of the UN Security Council (Britain
and France), now support the idea that Russia should lose its veto over
measures designed to investigate its involvement in genocide and mass murders
of civilians, according to Yury Sergeyev, Ukraine’s permanent representative to
the United Nations.
The Ukrainian diplomat posted that
number, which represents a third of the member countries of the United Nations,
as well as a map which allows for their identification on his twitter account (twitter.com/Yuriy_Sergeyev/status/643975182973997056).
Significantly, the countries are to
be found in Europe, Asia, Africa, North America and South America, suggesting
that this idea is gaining support not in just one place. Equally or even more
significantly, three of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council –
Russia of course, China and the US – are not on it.
Moreover, and this may matter more
in the coming days as representatives of these and other states assemble in New York for the annual UN
General Assembly meeting, some of the countries involved have expressed general
support for the idea while others have taken more specific positions, a
distinction that is not reflected in the map.
That dimension is likely to be
reflected more clearly when UNGA takes up a consideration of Vladimir Putin’s
use of the veto to block the establishment of an international tribunal to
investigate the shooting down of the Malaysian airliner in Ukraine, an action
much evidence suggests Moscow was responsible for.
On September 4, Ukrainian President
Petro Poroshenko said in a Voice of America interview that Russia should lose
its veto power in the UN Security Council because of its aggressive actions
against Ukraine, arguing that the world would be a safer place if Moscow could
not veto resolutions it doesn’t like (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2015/09/ukrainian-president-says-russia-should.html).
The Ukrainian leader said that “the
world has a right to know who’s responsible for [the] disastrous terrorist
attack” on the Malaysian airliner in July 2014 and that “if only one country,
especially Russia as a permanent UN Security Council member uses its veto” to
block the investigation, “this is self-explanatory.”
Poroshenko added that “with its
aggression in eastern Ukraine and Crimea,” “Russia ruined the post-World War II
global security system,” and that aggression must be repelled and the
conditions which have allowed Russia to engage in it must be identified and
overcome by the international community.
Many in both Moscow and the West immediately
dismissed Poroshenko’s proposal out of hand either because they are convinced
that none of the other permanent members of the UN Security Council will agree
or because they believe that raising this issue now will only make the current
situation more explosive.
But that is a mistake, as the 67
countries now supporting his idea shows. It has been 70 years since the post-World
War II “global security system” was set up, and Poroshenko is right to say that
Russia and its aggressive actions have not so much called that system into
question as shattered it.
Consequently, the world needs to begin
thinking about organizational changes for the future. And depriving aggressors,
like the Russian Federation, of their veto power in the Security Council must
necessarily become an important part of the debate: at the very least, it
should be discussed.
The current author raised this
possibility in his Lennart Meri lecture in April 2015(youtube.com/watch?v=EJkQmCU5jVM)
and provided what he believes is the reason it must be considered in an article
for a special issue of Estonia’s “Diplomaatia” journal (diplomaatia.ee/en/article/responding-to-the-new-russian-challenge/).
The relevant passage of that article
follows:
“There is no
possibility that the world can return to the status quo ante, even if Putin
backs down everywhere—something he will not do or, even if he is overthrown,
something which no one can count on. The current international order and all
its institutions were created at the end or immediately after World War II.
These institutions reflected both the power relations, military and economic,
that existed at the time and, equally, expectations about what the allies of
the end of that conflict would do in the future.
“Those power
relations have shifted, and the expectations have not been fulfilled. But now,
by his actions in Ukraine, Putin has made a return to the old order impossible,
however much those in the quest for “stabil’nost’
über alles” may think otherwise. There needs
to be an international organisation in which no rogue state can veto any
judgement against itself, no matter how many nuclear weapons it may possess.
There need to be political and financial arrangements that reflect the shifting
balance in the world between the US, Europe and Asia. And all of those things
will require new organisations and a new generation of wise men—and now wise
women, as well.
“Putin and Russia
must pay a price for what the Kremlin has done, and that price will not be paid
just by having them stop doing it. The world needs to remember the 1957 Krokodil cartoon in which a student complains that he
has been given a failing grade even though he has admitted all his mistakes.
The way ahead is going to be far more difficult than almost anyone now imagines.
But the longer these intellectual and political tasks are put off, the more
damage Putin will do, and the harder it will be for the West to defend its
values and itself in the future.”
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