Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 10 – In the
current crisis, Turkey has the ability to create problems for Moscow in the
North Caucasus but not the ones many Russian analysts have been predicting on
the basis of Ankara’s involvement in the region in the first decade after the
disintegration of the Soviet Union, according to Kontantin Kazenin.
Then, many of the Turkic nations of
the region looked to Ankara and even played with the idea of pan-Turkic
groupings, but now the situation has changed; and few if any of these groups
are interested in taking the kind of risks that such actions would entail, the
Regnum commentator says (regnum.ru/news/polit/2032128.html).
Instead, Turkey can and will work in
different directions, Kazenin argues; and if Moscow is to be in a position to
counter Ankara effectively, it must recognize what those are rather than
continuing, as many are now urging, to focus on groups no longer being targeted
and thus ignore the new ones that are.
Under current conditions, he
suggests, “the likelihood that the Turkic communities of the North Caucasus
will somehow orient themselves toward Ankara is most likely equal to zero.” And that is true not only of those groups
which have integrated themselves well the current powers that be but also of
those who define themselves as the regional “’opposition.’”
There are two main reasons for that
conclusions, Kazenin suggests. On the one hand, most Turkic groups in the North
Caucasus Kumyks in Daghestan and the Balkars in Kabardino-Balkaria are focused
on issues like land redistribution that have little if anything to do with
pan-Turkic aspirations of any kind. Raising that issue would preclude the
solution of the other.
The Karachays in
Karachayevo-Cherkessia are in a somewhat different position, but just now,
Kazenin points out, they are focused on the upcoming decision of Moscow about
who will be the next head of that republic. They know very well that any
mention of pan-Turkic notions would lead the center to go against them.
Indeed, so much aware are the Turkic
peoples of the way in which Moscow would react to pan-Turkic ideas, the Regnum
commentator continues, that in recent years they have avoided cooperating with
one another lest such cooperation appear to be the basis for someone to charge
them with “pan-Turkism.”
As far as the Circassians are
concerned, a group that is not Turkic but that has a sizeable community in
Turkey that Ankara might be expected to use, it is unclear, Kazenin says,
whether the Circassians in Turkey are all that united and whether Turkey has
any real resources with the Circassians in the North Caucasus.
And on the other hand, he continues,
ethnicity as a mobilizing factor is far less important than religion. “Ethnic
ideology as such now is not nearly as popular in the North Caucasus then it was
20 years ago. The language of social
protest there now has become in a large degree religious rather than ethnic,”
and Turkey can’t change that quickly.
“However,” the Regnum commentator
continues, “all this does not mean that the current conflict with Turkey is not
capable of creating serious problems in the North Caucasus,” only that those
problems are different than many think. They involve the dependence of many
firms in these areas on imports from Turkey and the failure of Moscow to focus
on how to provide alternative supplies.
If supplies stop, firms contract and
unemployment grows as appears likely in several cases, the Turkic origin of the
workers involved “will not have any importance;” but the anger of these people will
nonetheless be very real. And if they
begin discussing this in terms of their economic interests, that could
ultimately lead them back to nationalist concerns.
“The deterioration of relations with
Turkey is hitting precisely that part of the local economy in the North
Caucasus which exists outside of all possible federal programs and doesn’t
receive any support from the state,” Kazenin says. The peoples there can see
that, and unless something changes, they will draw conclusions unfavorable to
Russia.
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