Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 25 – The anti-Western
and anti-American attitudes found by Russian pollsters peaked in early 2015 and
since then have somewhat subsided, but they are likely to continue for some
time even when sanctions are lifted because their roots lie not so much in
Putin’s propaganda as in Russian experiences in the 1990s, according to Denis
Volkov.
In an article in today’s “Vedomosti,”
the Levada Center sociologist reports that polls found 81 percent of Russians
had a negative attitude toward the US and 71 percent toward the EU in early
2015 while now these figures are 64 and 60 percent respectively (vedomosti.ru/opinion/articles/2016/04/25/638889-pochemu-mi-ne-lyubim-ameriku).
Such fluctuations in Russian
attitudes toward the West have been a feature of Russian life since the end of
Soviet times, he points out, rising at times of high tension as over Yugoslavia
in 1999, Iraq in 2003, Georgia in 2008, and Ukraine since 2014 and then “rapidly
returning to [more] stable positive value” after the crises pass.
But since the 1990s, he says, that
is long before Vladimir Putin came to power, Russians shifted from their
enormously positive view of the US and the EU at the end of Soviet times to a
consistent distrust and dislike of the West; and that underlying attitude is
likely to preclude any new era of good feelings at the popular level for many
years whatever the Kremlin does.
Many now forget that at the end of
the 1980s and the early 1990s, “Russian society was delighted by the West,
chiefly by the US. America seemed to
Russians to be a model society … and the chief ally in the world arena. Rapprochement with the West [then] seemed more
important than cooperation with the former Soviet republics.”
Consequently, Volkov continues, “the foreign policy of
Yeltsin and Kozyrev was not imposed from abroad as it is common for people to
say now but rather reflected the existence of a broad societal demand for
rapprochement with the West and the inclusion of Russian in the club of leading
world powers.”
But
Russia’s economic crisis at that time and the West’s obvious disinterest in
bringing Russia into that club meant that such attitudes lasted only for a few
years; and by 1993, differences over major foreign policy questions between
Moscow and Western capitals heightened the sense that the West was still
hostile to Russia and did not wish it well.
Polls
at the time showed that Russians were very negative about the American bombing
campaign in Iraq and especially NATO’s military actions in Yugoslavia, and
those events deepened Russian hostility.
In 1996, only six percent of Russians were prepared to call the US an
enemy, but by 2008, 35 percent were; and now, this figure is 46 percent.
Already
in May 1998 and not in Putin’s time, “about 75 percent supposed htat Russia was
seeking to weaken Russia and transform it into a raw materials supplier. Today
such views are supported by 80 percent” of Russians. The big change came in 1999 with Yugoslavia,
well before Putin came to office.
But
after he did so, Volkov argues, anti-Western views among Russians were “intentionally
used by the Russian authorities for the interpretation of events taking place
in the world and for justifying Russian foreign policy ambitions as a forced
response to the aggressive actions of the US and its NATO allies.”
That
pattern was very clear in the case of the Maidan in Ukraine. Originally, only
about 20 percent of Russians were inclined to blame that action on the West,
but by 2014, “such an explanation was accepted by the Russian population as the
main one,” the result of government information programs.
If
one considers the likely course of development of such attitudes in the future,
the Levada Center sociologist says, it is probable that after the lifting of
sanctions, “generally positive attitudes quickly will be restored but
suspicions about the hidden hostility of the West toward Russia and also
distrust of the US and the EU will remain for a long time.”
That
will certainly be the view of the members of the ruling elite, Volkov says, as
most of them came out of the Soviet-era security services and have cold war
views about the West. Those in Russia who think differently are “in a subordinate
position” in the Russian political system and have been “marginalized and
stigmatized.”
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