Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 15 – Marxists often
say that there cannot be a revolutionary situation without revolutionary
leaders, Aleksandr Kynyev says, noting that in Russia today, this has been
updated to mean that despite rising anger in the population, there won’t be a
serious protest movement there unless leaders emerge as a result of divisions
within the elite.
The Moscow political scientist is
commenting on a new report of which he was a co-author that has been released
by Aleksey Kudrin’s Civic Initiative Committee about protests and political
life in Russia’s regions. That report is
available at komitetgi.ru/analytics/2864/.
Kynyev’s comments are at voboda.org/content/article/27800950.html. Other comments are to be found in “Vedomosti” (vedomosti.ru/politics/articles/2016/06/15/645361-rossiiskih-regionah).
The
report, which examines the level of socio-economic and political tensions in
the federal subjects of Russia, finds that popular anger and readiness to
protest are growing in many places but while that is a necessary precondition
for political actions, it is insufficient unless leaders emerge who can direct
and channel such inclinations.
As
Kynyev notes, the report focused on three areas: the level of socio-economic
problems of each region, the quality of the administration in those
territories, and the situation within the elite and whether it was united or
divided for one reason or another. And
it concluded that problems in only one of these spheres are “insufficient” for
the emergence of serious protests.
“If
one recalls Marxism,” he says, “one must have not only a revolutionary
situation but also a revolutionary party. Rephrasing this for current Russian
realities,” Kynyev suggests, “it is not enough to have a crisis in various
spheres; one needs a player ready to exploit this crisis” who can give the
protest attitudes shape.
“The
problem is that in the majority of regions, there is no counter-elite, and the opposition,
even where it does exit, is typically deeply split, incapable of reaching agreement
and in the immediate future is hardly likely to be capable” of changing itself and
thus the situation it finds itself in.
That
means, the political analyst continues, that “as a rule,” what the growth of
protest attitudes leads to is “information wars, scandals, criminal cases, and
sometimes to local protests when people protest about very specific things.” But it does not lead to greater challenges to
the authorities or broader existing policies.
“Something
more global can occur [only] when this situation will have added to it what it
is customary to call elite splits,” Kynyev continues. Whether these emerge in one or another place
depends on how much conflict there is in society, how stable the elites are in
any particular place, and the quality of institutions which at present is
typically very low.
Low
quality institutions do not matter all that much were there are no serious
conflicts, he says the report found, “but when the situation gets worse, that
constitutes an additional risk,” one that needs to be taken into account in assessing
prospects for protests and for the emergence of splits within the elite.
But
conflicts within the elite, he says, emerge when the elite is caught between
the rock of declining resources available to its members and the hard place of popular
demands. On the one hand, such elites cannot ignore the population but “on the
other there are rules coming from above which you cannot meet.”
“And
the stronger the dissonance between the two, the greater the level of their
concentration, the more difficult” the position of the elites and the risks of
splits increase.
Another
of the report’s co-authors, Nikolay Petrov, gives “Vedomosti” a somewhat more
optimistic assessment. He observes that “the political system was set up in a different
socio-economic situation and it doesn’t correspond to current challenges.” That
is leading to problems but, he suggests, the elections are giving regional
elites an opportunity to adjust their positions.
The
ruling United Russia party, he argues, has been driven in that direction by the
need to achieve “good results,” bringing in new people and new ideas in the
hopes of winning support. But others, such as commentator Konstantin Kalachev express
skepticism about this entire project.
He
tells “Vedomosti” that he suspects that the authors of the report reached their
conclusions about this or that region first and then looked for evidence that
they were right, something that undercuts the study’s value. Others like
analyst Mikhail Vinogradov say that the report was of limited value because it
didn’t offer conclusions for the country as a whole.
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