Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 20 – Russia’s
aggression in Ukraine will make it difficult for Kyiv to find a modus vivendi
with Moscow, Anatoly Oktsiyuk says; but “sooner or later,” Ukraine will have to
do so and with a recognition of the fact that both domestically and
internationally, it has almost exhausted the “anti-Russian model” it has
employed over the last two years.
On the Apostrophe portal, the senior
researcher at Kyiv’s International Center for Research about the Future says
that by its actions, Russia has forced Kyiv “to turn to the West.” This shift,
however, has been “very painful for post-Soviet Ukraine” and is unlikely to be
sustainable at home or abroad (apostrophe.com.ua/article/politics/foreign-policy/2016-07-20/voyna-rossii-s-ukrainoy-chetyire-stsenariya-blijayshego-buduschego/6273).
According to Oktisyuk, “at the level
of everyday life in society, there can be seen trends directed toward the normalization
of Russian-Ukrainian relations,” even “right now.” People are talking about that possibility both
out of disappointment in the current Kyiv regime and its approach and a belief
that the West and especially the EU has led Ukraine down.
So far, however, these discussions
have been behind the scenes because even those who are pragmatic on such issues
do not want to be attacked as agents of Moscow and because the Kyiv government
has more or less banned any discussion given that Russian forces are still
occupying and attacking Ukraine.
But despite that, “this issue needs
to be discussed and developed because under the conditions of rapidly changing international
geopolitical arrangements and the unstable domestic political situation in
Ukraine, the course could change in a significant way” and very quickly indeed,
Oktisyuk says.
Thus, it cannot be excluded that
Ukraine might follow a Georgian scenario which became less hostile to Russia
after the departure of Mikheil Saakashvili or the scenario of Moldova which has
gotten good marks from the EU but which has not been promised membership and
has now moved toward a new and less antagonistic relationship with Moscow.
But almost certainly there are going to be changes not
only because there are Ukrainians who now believe that it is “better to trade
with Russia than to fight it” but also because Western governments are pressing
Kyiv to make some kind of a deal in order to resolve the crisis between the two
countries.
According
to the Kyiv analyst, there are currently four possible scenarios of differing
degrees of probability.
The
first, “rapprochement with Western structures and the integration of Ukraine in
the EU and NATO.” This scenario, he
suggests, is “improbable” because Ukraine hasn’t been willing to take the steps
necessary for such integration and because the West is occupied with a variety
of other problems now.
The
second scenario would entail “the normalization of relations with Russia [and]
the return of Ukraine to a multi-vector policy.” It would involve Ukraine accepting to play by
“new rules,” including recognizing Moscow’s understanding of Russia’s supposed
rights on the post-Soviet space, and it would “close” the issue of Russian
annexation of Crimea.
It
would also likely lead to a resolution of the Donbass conflict “according to a
Bosnian scenario,” involving Ukraine’s federalization in ways that the Kremlin
wants. Russia and the West are not yet
in accord on this, Oktisyuk says. But it is entirely possible that they could
come to an arrangement on this point, especially given the German and French
positions.
The
third scenario, the Kyiv analyst continues, would involve a “radical renewal of
military action in the Donbass.” That might help President Petro Poroshenko to
maintain his position within Ukraine but it would harm his image and standing
with Western governments if he moved in this direction.
And the fourth scenario is the “Georgian;” one
that would involve “the victory of pro-Russian political forces” in Ukraine
itself. This would take “several
electoral cycles” in the case of Ukraine, Oktisyuk says, but it could happen because
of the slowness of reform in Ukraine and the reluctance of the West to put up
with Kyiv’s dilatoriness.
Ukraine’s
continuing economic difficulties, of course, create conditions for the rise of
those who object to the policies of the current Kyiv government. On the one
hand, there will be those who will promote a more radical and populist stance.
But on the other, there will be those who push a more “pragmatic” line in
dealing with Moscow.
The
latter attitudes are only grow in strength, Oktisyuk says, because of the
weakness of Kyiv’s diplomacy which has been unable to win over the West as a
whole and which thus has helped to create a situation where “Ukraine risks
remaining one on one with the Kremlin,” a situation it cannot really hope to
win.
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