Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 28 – Historians
have long pointed out that Muscovy’s sacking of Novgorod in 1478 foreclosed for
centuries any chance that Russia could move in a European and democratic
direction. But far fewer have noted that it was precisely that event which also
had the effect of sparking fears of “a Russian threat” that have never entirely
left Europe.
Novgorod before Muscovy destroyed it
was one of the most democratic cities in Europe: a higher percentage of its
adult males voted for its governing assembly than was the case in London at the
same time. But by its actions, Muscovy
also destroyed what had become the traditional relations between the Russian
lands and Livonia.
And that led, St. Petersburg
historian Mariya Bessudnova argues, set in train “a chain reaction” of
developments in trade, the observance of international conventions and the
nature of diplomatic relations (cyberleninka.ru/article/n/velikiy-novgorod-kontsa-xv-v-mezhdu-livoniey-i-moskvoy;
summarized at ttolk.ru/2016/08/26/разгром-новгорода-в-1478-году-и-возникнов/).
But perhaps most important, she
says, it led to the basing of the forces of Muscovy “near the Livonian border
and to armed attacks on Livonian territory,” actions that “led to the formation
in Livonia and in Eastern Europe as a whole ideas about ‘a Russian threat’” to
the West.
“In its social-economic, political
and cultural development,” Bessudnova notes, “the Novgorod Republic was
essentially different from other Russian cities in no small degree because of the
intensiveness of its trading contacts with Western Europe” and its participation
in the Hansa League.
But after it was occupied by Muscovy
in 1478 and its old order destroyed, the harmony that had existed within it as
a bridge between Europe and Muscovy was destroyed. For a few years, the Muscovite
Grand Prince Ivan III allowed some of the city’s earlier contacts with Europe
continue “but not for long.”
In negotiations, his representatives
insisted that Livonia change its legal norms to bring them into correspondence
with Muscovy’s, something that the merchant class of Livonia understood as a threat
to their very existence and that they knew Moscow would “soon violate” if their
country’s leadership were to agree.
But despite Ivan III’s talk about
economics, the issues involved were always political and always about first
isolating Novgorod and then subordinating it politically to Muscovy. To that end, he repopulated the city after
the pogroms he had organized with people from the interior of his lands and who
importantly did not know any of the Baltic or European languages.
But as the Livonian merchants
suspected, that was hardly the end of it. In 1494, the Muscovite ruler closed
the Hansa office in Novgorod; and at about the same time introduced a kind of
closed politics which sparked suspicions that Muscovy was planning to attack
others. That led to talk about a “Rusche gefahr,” or “Russian threat” to more
than Novgorod and more than Livonia.
Thanks to the trading links, this
fear spread. In response, “Livonia introduced sanctions” and limited the flow
of strategic goods like metals to Muscovy. Unfortunately for the authors of
this plan, the economic interests of some business groups was stronger than their
patriotism and the sanctions were not always effective.
Nonetheless, Ivan III was under
pressure to normalize ties with the Hansa League and entered into negotiations,
but no constructive dialogue occurred and the talks in Narva ended with no
progress, Bessudnova says. As a result,
the situation along the Muscovy-Livonian border deteriorated.
Livonian peasants accustomed to fish
in what had become Russian waterways attacked Russian merchants. And Russian troops
in the Ivangorod garrison engaged in indisciplined attacks on the peasants and
others. That other exacerbated anti-Muscovy feelings and the sense that Europe
faced a “’Russian threat.’” The Livonians decided they had no choice but to
fight.
In 1978, US historian Barbara
Tuchman published her study, “A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous 14th
Century” in which she described the ways in which events nearly seven hundred
years earlier held up a mirror for the present.
The Muscovite destruction of Novgorod and its consequences holds up an
even more instructive mirror to what is happening now.
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