Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 30 – Valery
Solovey, one of the best connected and most thoughtful of Moscow’s foreign
policy commentators, says that the telephone call between Donald Trump and
Vladimir Putin was the “first step toward ‘a big deal’” between the two not
only over bilateral ties but also over a re-division of the world that will
leave many countries at Russia’s mercy.
The MGIMO professor outlines what he
sees as the seven most important aspects of such a deal in a Facebook post that
subsequently has been picked up by other outlets (facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=1842744842662560&id=100007811864378&pnref=story, echo.msk.ru/blog/vsolovej/1918678-echo/ and hvylya.net/news/exclusive/ssha-blizki-k-zaklyucheniyu-s-rf-bolshoy-sdelki-kasayushheysya-ukrainyi-solovey.html).
Solovey’s seven points of a possible
“deal” between Putin and Trump are:
1.
“Moscow
considers that a personal meeting of Putin and Trump will be marked by mutual
understanding and can lay the groundwork for a strategic deal.”
2.
“In
the new American administration there are influential people who think that
agreement with Russia corresponds to the national interests of the US. Expert
workups of these agreements have already begun.”
3.
“For
the US, the main themes of the deal are the destruction of ISIS and restraining
Iran and China. For Russia, they are the de
facto recognition of a new geopolitical status
quo, a recognition of the post-Soviet space (except for the Baltics) as a
zone of Russian influence, a normalization of relations with NATO, and a
decisive easing of sanctions.”
4.
“A
mass joint operation of the US and Russia against ISIS (the theater of military
operations in addition to Syria would include two or three additional
countries) would prove capable of removing the objections of the Congress
against a deal with Russia.”
5.
“Regarding
the policy of post-sanctions Iran, Moscow now has poorly concealed objections
so that a firm base for a future agreement exists.”
6.
“For
Russia, it is critically important to avoid complications with china, therefore
the potential model of agreement with the US regarding China may be formed not
on a military-political but on a geo-economic basis involving massive economic
cooperation in Siberia and the Far East, with the involvement of South Korea
and Japan.”
7.
“Regarding
Ukraine, the position is the following: to give guarantees that the Russians
will not seize Ukraine, and in the future to allow the two neighboring sides to
agree among themselves. The US has other priorities.”
It is important to remember that Solovey’s
conclusions, however accurate they may be as a statement about where Putin and
Trump are now, may not be what any final “deal” will look like: There are
simply too many players in both Russia and the US to be certain of that. But
they do point to two disturbing possibilities in the former Soviet space.
On the one hand, if Solovey is right,
Trump is prepared to leave the 11 former Soviet republics to face Russian power
on their own, something that will represent a betrayal of what has been
American policy since 1991. Moscow apparently is prepared to recognize that the
Baltic countries are out of its zone, but any Putin promise to not try to take
Ukraine is worthless.
And on the other, in the MGIMO analyst’s
view, Trump and Putin are prepared to launch a major military campaign against
ISIS not because it would really defeat Islamist radicalism – the experience of
Syria shows how unlikely that is -- than because it could serve as a means for
Trump to marginalize critics in the Congress of his all-too-obvious tilt toward
Russia.
Given the gratitude that Trump would
likely have for such additional Russian assistance in US domestic politics, it would
be most unlikely that the US president would do anything to block Putin’s authoritarianism
and imperial pretensions in Eurasia, guaranteeing not only more violence there
but destroying what is left of US credibility more generally.
And
tragically, if Solovey is right, Trump apparently is only concerned about
containing Islamic radicalism and China and is prepared to yield to Russia on
everything else. Thus his constant promise to “make America great again” will
in the first instance contribute to making Russia great again even as it
diminishes America’s influence and standing in the world.
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