Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 9 – Vitaly Ivanov, a
former minister for culture and nationality affairs in Chuvashia, says that
current efforts to promote ‘a civic Russian nation’ (rossiiskaya natsiya) are just like those in Soviet times to promote
‘a Soviet nation’ (sovetskaya natsiya)
and potentially even more dangerous.
Its advocates, he tells Idealreal’s
Ilnar Garifullin, “are trying to convince us that ‘a civic Russian nation’ is
not an ethnonym but rather a poly-ethnonym, but we understand all too well that
with time, its ethnic meaning may eclipse such a poly-ethnonym entirely” (idelreal.org/a/28469649.html).
That is, Ivanov continues, the civic
Russian nation will replace national self-consciousness,” something that “for
representatives of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation is simply
unacceptable.” They “will resist this
trend” and insist that it be rejected as an insult to their dignity.
Other experts with whom Garifullin
spoke agree. Damir Iskhakov, a leader of the World Congress of Tatars, says
that under the current constitution, citizens of the Russian Federation have
come to accept the idea of “’nations in a nation” as an aspect of the idea of
“’a multi-national civic Russian people.”
But everyone must remember that “a
federative state can exist only if the rights of numerically small peoples will
be observed.” Unfortunately, Iskhakov says, this is far from the case in Russia
today. And he notes that ethnic Russian national organizations are also opposed
to this new term, viewing it as an attack on their identity as well.
A third person with whom the Tatar
journalist spoke, Mikhail Shcheglov, the head of the Society of Russian Culture
of Tatarstan, agrees. He says that the
very idea of a civic Russian nation replacing ethnic identities is
“fundamentally wrong.” Neither ethnic Russians nor non-Russians will ever
accept it.
In Shcheglov’s view, some unknown
forces in the depths of the Kremlin pushed Russian ethnographers to advance
this idea for unknown reasons. It gained the backing of some Russian
journalists. And Vladimir Putin was confronted with a kind of fait accompli: He
had no option but to agree with it, although clearly he should see that it is
not in his interests either.
The main problem, Shcheglov says is
that Russia today doesn’t have a clearly defined nationality policy and all the
talk of “a civic Russian nation” is getting in the way of its elaboration.
Drawing on these observations,
Garifullin says that those behind the civic Russian nation have gotten the cart
before the horse in that they have slyly introduced on the territory of Russia “the
absolutely alien” idea of “the nation state” not directly but rather via the
idea of ‘a civic Russian nation.”
“As is well-known,” he continues,
the concept of an ethnic nation always and invariably presupposes the
construction around it of a nation state,” a state however much some might deny
it which would be based on “a single ethnos which would serve as its real
foundation and symbol.”
In the case of the Russian
Federation, Garifullin says, “it isn’t hard to guess which ethnic group” would
occupy that status if the current borders are maintained. Nor is it hardly that
as a result, “the remaining indigenous peoples [of the country] which have
their own national autonomies in the form of republics in this case would
inevitably lose their political status.”
But there is an even more fundamental
problem with the civic Russian nation idea, he suggests. And it is this: “Political
nations have been built around some common idea which is capable of unifying
various ethnic groups with at times varying interests into something
monolithic.”
The CPSU tried to build “a Soviet
nation” around the idea of the construction of a communist society, but as
history showed, that effort collapsed. And at the present time, “the sense of
being attached to one country (i.e., of being a citizen of Russia) cannot by
itself be a unifying idea.”
That is “a simple fact” which no one
can dispute.
And that makes the arguments of
those pushing for a civic Russian nation on the basis of some “historical-cultural
values” problematic. What could these be for peoples of “absolutely different
confessions, languages and ethnicities” that would tie them together in one
country rather than simply make them part of “all the peoples populating the
planet?”
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