Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 2 – Many nations facing
the difficulties Russians now are would revolutionary change, but Russians are
unlikely to do so, Kseniya Kirillova says, because they remain far too atomized
and far too lacking in empathy to look beyond their immediate personal problems
and identify with the problems of others.
The US-based Russian analyst is
taking issue with this author’s assertion on the basis of several Moscow
analysts that Russian government attacks on the khrushchoby and thus the
principle of private property “offends not only the immediate victims but also
all Russians” (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2017/04/demolition-of-khrushchoby-now-chilling.html).
In her article entitled “Why There
Won’t Be a Revolution in Russia,” Kirillova says that “unfortunately,” Russians
seldom display empathy to others who are suffering from problems but only focus
on their own and thus won’t join in any mass protest against injustices done to
others but not to them (15minut.org/articles/171277-pochemu-v-rossii-ne-budet-revolyucii).
And thus, instead of protesting,
they display an “almost suicidal level of conformism” which leads them to
desire not to change the situation but rather to find a way a to restore “a
sense of lost comfort, a feeling of being defended and stability at any price,”
all things the authorities can and do exploit.
That in turn leads to a situation in
which after a relatively brief time, the Russian commentator says, the
population “little by little” comes to view whatever has been done as “correct,
true, and having been undertaken for its own good,” as long as its members do
not suffer directly.
That pattern now on display
concerning the apartment blocks in Moscow was earlier followed in the case of the
regime’s burning of food products that it had banned. Despite the importance of food for Russians,
very rapidly they came to accept this as an utterly normal part of life and one
taken for their own good.
In the current case, Kirillova
continues, “the majority of Muscovites thought not about their rights or about
the attack on private property or anything of the kind.” Instead, they focused
on how to avoid having their own apartments not fall victim to the program and
how to come out on top if they couldn’t achieve that.
As she observes, “Russians are
accustomed to the idea that in their country almost anything can happen at any
time and that if today something doesn’t happen to them that seems to most as a
sufficient basis for happiness.”
That means that Russia is far from a
social explosion but such a thing is possible there only “when arbitrary action
sand deprivations concern everyone or practically all Russians without
exception.” Until that happens, few not affected directly by any issue are
likely to stand up for those who are.
Indeed, it is sadly the case that
many Russians outside of Moscow instead of being angry at what is being done to
the residents of the capital are displaying a certain Schadenfreude about what
the Muscovites are having inflicted on them.
For this to change, Kirillova
concludes, the Russian opposition should focus its efforts not on Ukrainians or
emigres and call on them to take part in Russian demonstrations but rather “in
the first instance try to convince Russians themselves to show solidarity with their
own fellow citizens and support their protests,” as difficult a task as that in
fact is.
The author of these lines can only
agree with Kirillova, with two caveats.
On the one hand, there are certainly more cases of solidarity in Russia
today than in the past and so things are moving, albeit slowly, in a positive way.
And on the other, revolutions typically are made not by majorities but by
committed minorities. Those Russia would seem to have in abundance.
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