Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 18 – On the eve of
the 26th anniversary of the August 1991 coup attempt that many see
as the event that triggered the end of the Soviet Union, Komsomolskaya Pravda organized an interview with Aleksandr
Prokhanov, who backed the coup, and Nikolay Svanidze who didn’t (kp.ru/daily/26720.7/3745067/).
Prokhanov, the Russian nationalist
editor of Segodnya, reprised his longstanding argument
that the coup could have succeeded if the leaders of the force structures had
acted decisively and arrested Boris Yeltsin but that it failed because they
didn’t and also because they were too linked to Mikhail Gorbachev who in fact
promoted the coup to eliminate Yeltsin.
Svanidze,
a longtime Moscow commentator, offers a different, more interesting and more
persuasive argument in the course of answer the Russian newspaper’s question.
He acknowledges that had the coup leaders shown more boldness, they might have
succeeded in restoring the Kremlin’s position over Russia but that “the USSR
wouldn’t have been preserved.”
“These
are different things,” he reminds his readers. The coup leaders might have been
able to hold on for a time “at the price of blood,” but “the Soviet Union was condemned
economically and politically. Many republics had run from it, and those who
remained couldn’t be held for long.”
The
center no longer had any carrots and its sticks were too short, Svanidze
continues, and “cruelty is a poor substitute for power.” The only chance the Soviet system had and it
was a long one was the conclusion of a new Union Treaty among the
republics. But the coup delayed its
signing and ultimately made its conclusion impossible.
Svanidze
also points to some important distinctions between how many view the country
beyond Moscow’s ring road. “In Russian
history,” he says, “all fateful events occur in the capitals. The people in our
colossal land waits until something happens whether in Petrograd in 1917 or
Moscow in 1991.”
But
the fact that they waited “does not mean that they were sympathetic to the coup
plotters. They already hated the communists” who had lost all authority because
they had led the country into ruin. “The shelves in stores were empty. There
was bread for only a few more days … Hunger threatened us. The people felt it.”
And
for that reason, “the putsch was condemned in principle,” even if the plotters
acted decisively. “They understood that their situation was hopeless. Some were
ready to be cruel, and some were not.” They could not be certain of the
military or the KGB, and they were afraid of what would happen to them if they
acted decisively.
The
plotters understood as well, Svanidze says, “that if they shed blood today,
tomorrow their blood would be shed. And they weren’t ready to risk that. “To save the country was possible only by
involving other economic mechanisms. But the coup plotters were not ready to do
that. They were prepared only for conservative decisions.”
Those
as events would have shown had they acted decisively in those August days, the
Moscow commentator says, were not enough.
And
thus, “Yeltsin’s victory in August 1991 was objectively decided in advance. And
in fact, this was a positive variant for the development of events. Without
large-scale bloodshed, and with a soft variant of the disintegration of the Union.
We escaped from under the rubble of the USSR without a catastrophe and we live
in a new country.”
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