Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 3 – Popular reaction
to a series of recent high-profile court cases shows that Russians are much
less concerned about elite corruption than they were but far more fearful of
the actions of an indifferent state machine that can “crush” people under any
pretext, Sergey Shelin says.
And that shift, the Rosbalt
commentator continues, not only helps to explain why respect among the Russian population
for the ruling caste is declining but also explains why “the gap between
citizens and officials” in Russia has been growing ever more rapidly over the
last decade (rosbalt.ru/blogs/2018/02/02/1679382.html).
Polls show that the recently
concluded case against former governor Nikita Belykh did not attract the same
attention as a very similar case against former minister Aleksey Ulyukayev,
Shelin says. Most people appear to believe that Belykh was guilty as charged,
but they viewed Ulyukayev as a victim of intra-elite squabbles and pressures.
“Such a view of the bosses’ struggle
with corrupt figures is today not simply typical,” he continues. “It is found
with regard to a much broader circle of state actions.” As a result, cases like the one against regional
specialist Yury Dmitriyev who was falsely accused of pedophilia and doctor Elena
Misyurina who was blamed for the death of a patient could be scandals.
Their cases like those against Ulyukayev
and Belukh resemble one another in that the authorities decide someone is
guilty. But there is a major divide between the first two cases and the latter
two: Ulyukayev’s former fellow ministers didn’t come to his defense, but doctors
very much spoke out on behalf of Misyurina – and the powers that be have begun
backing down.
The latter development, the commentator
continues, shows that society is no longer in every case “a dumb observer” but
in certain circumstances is prepared to protest. Such protests if they involve
a small number of people are something the regime can and does ignore, but “the
anger of an entire professional community is unusual and one wants to believe
more effective.”
“One way or another,” Shelin says, “the
gigantic distance between the ruling machine and the mass of the ruled” is
becoming ever more obvious to the population and of ever greater concern to its
members than is “the corrupt character of specific cogs and wheels of this machine.”
A decade ago, Dmitry Medvedev
prophesized that “the bureaucrat will decide the fate of a citizen without
knowing anything about him or responding to him or turning attention to any of
his arguments and being concerned only to satisfy his own bosses” and those
charged with controlling the bureaucracy as such.
As a result, Shelin continues, a Russian
today “lives under constant threat of being caught in the gears not only of the
defenders of the state but alsso of any other bureaucratic hierarchies,
competing with one another but equally indifferent to ‘others’ or even to their
former comrades in arms who have fallen” from their positions. Instead, these
people behave like robots.
And that is simultaneously reducing
popular respect and deference for officials and convincing people that the best
strategy is to avoid contact with them if at all possible. In this situation, where there is ever less
respect, there is only ever more fear.
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