Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 29 – For the last
month, commentators in Russia and elsewhere have debated whether the Armenian
events that led to the ouster of Serzh Sargsyan who tried to retain power as
Vladimir Putin did earlier by downgrading the presidency and elevating the
prime minister’s office are a revolution or merely a domestic political crisis.
But there is one thing no one can
dispute, and Armenian analyst Tigran Khzmalyan points to it in a commentary today
on the Kasparov.ru portal; and this
is this: the new prime minister in Yerevan has brought to power a new, younger
and less Russian-oriented generation than the one it replaced (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5B0C192D4795A).
If the average age of the ministers
in Sargsyan’s regime was in the 50s and 60s, “the new government [has] an
average age of about 33. There are ministers who are 28 and 29,” and Nikol
Pashinyan, the new head of government in Armenia is only 42. And that generational
change is already having significant effects.
Those
born 60 years ago were adults when the Karabakh war began and the Soviet Union
disintegrated. Those born 33 years ago were three-year-olds when the fighting
with Azerbaijan started in earnest and six when the USSR ceased to exist. They
thus have very different biographies and points of reference.
Khzmalyan
points out that “the young ministers happily are dispensing with the privileges
of their positions” that their predecessors accepted as a matter of course; and
more important, these new officials are revealing ever more about the corrupt
relations of their predecessors including with Russian officials.
According
to the Armenian analyst, Armenians have stopped watching entertainment programs
on television and focused instead on the news. There has been a sharp decline
in emigration from the country and a rise in housing prices. And he suggests that by fall, there will be growth
in the number of Armenians coming home, from Russia in the first instance.
Political
prisoners are being freed, and their cases are calling attention to what the previous
regime was about and sparking demands for opening investigations into the
corruption of those who illegitimately put other Armenians into jail. People
are respecting one another in small ways and large, and there is a growing
sense of solidarity especially among the young.
As
corruption has been limited, prices have fallen, creating another bonus for
Armenians and also generating more support for the new government. When elections
are held in the fall, “it is not difficult to predict radical changes in the
party balance in Armenia” with the pro-Russian party of the past losing to the pro-European
parties of the future.
Pashinyan
is being cautious, more cautious than some would like, Khzmalyan continues. “But
each anti-corruption process, each cadre appointment from ‘the new wave,’ and
each succeeding free election will weaken the path of centuries old dependency
and allow Armenia to become closer to Europe.”
That
doesn’t mean that geography has been repealed, but one generation which looks
to Europe is replacing a generation that has always looked toward Moscow. And
that ultimately sets the stage for radical changes. “In any case,” Khzmalyan says, “the first
weeks of the new authorities point in that direction.”
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