Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 24 – In domestic
affairs as in foreign ones, Vladimir Putin advances confidently until he is
confronted by a unified opposition. That
has just happened in the case of his proposed law keeping Russian a compulsory
subject in schools while making all non-Russian languages, including those of
the non-Russian republics, voluntary and thus at risk.
The Presidential Administration has
just concluded a conference at which it was announced that the language of the draft
measure enshrining Putin’s Ufa declaration of last summer will be revised in
order to reflect the views of both supporters and opponents (inkazan.ru/news/society/24-05-2018/zakonoproekt-o-rodnyh-yazykah-dorabotayut-po-prosbe-respublik).
That represents a significant but
far from final victory for the non-Russian republics. At the very least, it
puts off the adoption of a law that would have further weakened their position
in the political system. But it also highlights
the way in which their unity can stop Moscow in its tracks and gives them more
time to fight this measure.
The Kremlin meeting included
representatives of the Presidential Administration’s nationality policy
department, its section for internal politics, representatives of United
Russia, the head of the Federal Agency for Nationality Affairs, as well as
representatives from Tatarstan, Chechnya, Daghestan, and Kabardino-Balkaria.
Aleksandr Sidyakin, a Duma deputy
from Tatarstan, told Kazan news outlets that his “worse fears had not been
confirmed.” Instead, officials of the Presidential
Adminisstration had expressed a willingness to negotiate with Kazan and the other
non-Russian capitals about the measure – including its key provision making the
study of non-Russian languages voluntary.
“We are concerned,” he continued, “that
Tatar would pass from the obligatory part of the curriculum into the voluntary,”
and the discussion in Moscow raises the possibility that this will not happen.
Indeed, he said, the measure will now
be revised “so that at the time of its first reading in the State Duma there
will not be any matters of dispute.” If
that is so and if the non-Russians maintain their united position in opposition
to Putin’s notion, then Moscow will have to sacrifice something that Putin
declared was his policy.
To underscore that Kazan remains
united against making the study of Tatar a voluntary subject, today, all 77
deputies of the State Council of Tatarstan who were present in the hall “voted
against” what Putin has been pushing (inkazan.ru/news/politics/24-05-2018/gossovet-rt-otklonil-federalnye-popravki-o-natsionalnyh-yazykah).
This is not only the largest victory,
albeit again not a final one, the non-Russians have won in Putin’s time; but it
is a model of how the non-Russians can and must work against the Russianizing
and Russifying policies that have been the hallmark of Putin’s administration.
But at the same time, it represents the kind
of retreat which Russian nationalists and imperialists will find hard to
accept; and they are certain to launch some kind of counter attack in the coming
days, although if Putin has truly decided that it is the better part of wisdom
to retreat, they are more likely to remain angry than be victorious.
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