Paul Goble
Staunton,
August 9 – Many have explained the decline in Russian support for Vladimir
Putin in recent months by the ill-designed Russian government plan to raise the
retirement age in that country, something that the Kremlin thought it could get
away with because of the euphoria it believed the World Cup competition had
produced.
But
Russian economist Vladislav Inozemtsev says that while the pension crisis is
real, a more important source of the rising discontent with Putin and his
regime was the World Cup competition itself, an event that called into question
the Kremlin’s image of Russia as “a besieged country surrounded by enemies” (rosbalt.ru/posts/2018/08/09/1723651.html).
The regime “mistakenly thought that
the World Cup would mobilize society in support of itself, a view that was
mistaken simply because the main emotions connected with this competition
turned out to be in opposition to present-day Russian ideology,” the Russian
analyst continues.
The championship took place, “hundreds
of thousands of fans came, Russians showed themselves to be happy and hospitable,”
but most important, “all this gave birth to more doubts about the correctness
of the political course” Putin and his regime have adopted.
The largest group of fans consisted
of Americans. “They like other foreigners turned out to be friendly and simple
people. Between the Russians and the guests arose a simple human unity … and
[that in turn] increased doubts that Russia is an island in a sea of enemies
and that the entire world does not understand it and does not intend to
understand it.”
Inozemtsev continues: “for a country
the ideology of which is a harsh opposition to the rest of the world … such
huge events with the participation of hundreds of thousands of foreigners
represents serious tests.” The World Cup now much like the World Youth Festival
in Moscow in 1957 has transformed public attitudes – and led to more questions
about the regime.
“Today, the size of the event and
the level of ‘penetration’ into the depths of the country is much more
significant” than was the case in 1957, and that means that the Russian
political elite should not underrate the break between that image of the hostile
West which it has drawn in recent years and the face of the multi-lingual crowd
that came.”
According to Inozemtsev, the mobilization
the regime hoped for was always imaginary rather than real. But one indication
that the World Cup mobilized Russians in a far different direction that the
Kremlin had expected is the gap between the number of people who now say they
don’t approve of Putin and the number who are protesting pensions.
The decline in support for Putin has
been about 14 percent, he says. That represents some 15 to 20 million people,
vastly more than the number of those who have taken to the streets to protest
the pension “reform.” All this may very
well prove “very dangerous for the Kremlin,” Inozemtsev concludes.
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