Paul Goble
Staunton,
February 16 – Vladislav Surkov’s recent article has sparked discussions in
Russia as to the nature of Putinism and even whether Putinism as an ideology
and praxis even exists. Kazan’s Business-Gazeta
surveyed eleven Russian and Tatar experts. Their answers capture a large part
of this discussion (business-gazeta.ru/article/413672).
·
Yevgeny
Minchenko of the International Institute for Political Consulting, says that
Putin as a judo master has not ideology. And Surkov’s asserting that he doesn’t
is “the only phrase” in his article with which one can agree. “Putin would be very surprised if he were
called a Putinist.” Putin came with the
desire to “save Russia” and he has tried out various means to do so, discarding
those that didn’t work. He has no master plan.
·
Viktor
Minin, a political technologist, agrees. Putin does not have an ideology but
continually maneuvers, seeking to protect himself and his country. “He retreats
like Kutuzov and wins time. But there hasn’t yet been a Borodino and therefore
no decisive battle so far.”
·
Maksim
Kalashnikov, a futurologist commentator, disagrees. He says Putinism consists
in “the preservation of an economy based on the export of raw materials and
stagnation in scientific-technical development, the shift of the economy in
whatever way will support war and the enrichment of the elite, support for the
security agencies as the core of the state, the destruction of courts and
legislative bodies, and the promotion of feudalism which involves “first the
degradation of the masses and then of the rulers.” Even the ethnic Russians, the state-forming
people, have been reduced to second-class citizens. “Naturally, there is no
ideology of the future.”
·
Vladislav
Zhukovsky, an economist, says that Surkov has offered nothing new. He is simply
trying to attract the attention and praise of his boss. Everything in his article is propaganda and
political manipulation to try to suppress any protest. But whether Surkov and his bosses like it or
not, the oppressed people are beginning to wake up.
·
Mikhail
Veller, a writer and commentator, says that Putinism is usually associated with
negative things – economic decline, increasing repression, and harsh conflict
with the West. Surkov has tried to
capture the term and include within it only good things – the territorial integrity
of the country, the spiritual firmness of is people, and Moscow’s opposition to
the decaying West. But in fact, all
Surkov offers is a more sophisticated version of Vyacheslav Volodin’s
suggestion that Russia exists as long as Putin does because without Putin,
there will be no Russia. There is no reason to take his arguments seriously.
·
Valentin
Katasonov, an economist, says that Putinism is generally used by Russia’s
opponents as the functional equivalent of Hitlerism. Surkov wants to change that, but what he is
talking about does not constitute an ideology.
·
Iskander
Izmaylov, a Tatarstan historian, says that Surkov’s words are “a quite ordinary
edition of the much-ballyhooed principle of ‘Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality.”
It thus turns out “that the ideology of Putinism is a return to empire and to
imperial ambitions,” something very far from the constitution or worldwide
trends. Empires are not going to be the
future of humanity. And Surkov is
deceiving himself about the people. The Russians in 1917 began on their knees
before the little father tsar but then they rose up and shot him together with
his unhappy family.”
·
Viktor
Yerofeyev, a writer, also says there is “nothing new in Putinism or in Surkov’s
essay either. In general, this is a repetition of Alexander III and Pobedonostev
with a certain addition of Stalinism.”
·
Marat
Bikmullin, head of the Information Systems company, says that “Putinism is
whneparliament and all organs of power become imitations, although wars remain
real.” As such, “this policy has no future.” Putin was fine for a recovering
state but he should have left the scene long ago. “The moor has done his work;
the moor can go.”
·
Marsel
Shamsutdiinov, a Tatar leader of the Parnas Party, says that Putinism is
nothing more than the latest edition of feudalism.
·
And
Pavel Smakov, head of the SOlNTse School, says that Putinism encompasses what
Putin does. It consists of a harsh centralized rule. “I like democracy,” Smakov
says; “but it doesn’t work. With us, a harsh system which rules an enormous
country and which works so that all will submit does. Without popular risings,
scandals and conflicts.”
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