Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 18 – Many Russians
mistakenly think a Maidan in their country can begin only in the capital and
that what happens in “the provinces” is irrelevant unless it crosses the ring
road, Moscow writer Natalya Yeliseyeva writes. In fact, as the Kremlin’s
opponents understand all too well, “a rising in Moscow is starting in the regions”
(realtribune.ru/news/people/2033).
The events in Yekaterinburg,
Arkhangelsk, and Ingushetia are prompting ever more Russian analysts to ask
themselves whether their own Moscow-centric thinking has caused them to miss something
fundamental that may lead to the political transformation or even disintegration
of their country.
Yeliseyeva is only one of them. Others
and in a way flattering to the author of these lines are focusing on Russian
regions rather than national republics as the greatest threat to Russia
today. They are picking up on an idea I
outlined more than two years ago: “regionalism is the nationalism of the next
Russian revolution” (afterempire.info/2016/12/28/regionalism/).
Without naming me, they are picking
up on the argument I made then and observing that “many regionalist movements in
present-day Russia are moving toward more radical separatist ideas than one can
find among representatives of the non-Russian nationalities” (socportal.info/2018/10/05/pojavilas_versija_o_tom_kakie_dvizhenija_privedut_k_raspadu_rossii.html)
They quote my December 2016 article to
the effect that this has occurred, “besides everything else because of the development
of the Internet which allows broad dissemination of ideas about a multitude of
local and regional identities. It is not surprising that the Russian
authorities are resisting this trend.”
Further, as I argued then, “because
the Soviet Union disintegrated along nationality borders, many Russian and
Western analysts continue to focus on purely ethnic questions while the growth
of regional movements and the efforts of Moscow to suppress them attract much
less attention.”
Indeed, as I pointed out, “regionalist
movements look at the present stage as having more prospects than ethnic ones
do because the Russian Federation is a more ethnically homogeneous country than
was the USSR and the main contradictions between the regions have an economic
and spatial character.”
Over the last two years, the Sotsportal continues, “the significance
of regional identities has significantly grown. In the Internet have appeared
ever more texts about local differences, while Moscow has continued to
disregard regional interests and problems.” What the center has done is close
down regionalist websites, arrest regional activists or force them into
emigration.
“But,” the portal says, “regionalism
cannot be suppressed that easily, and the network character of the Internet
comes to its aid. Instead of one site that has been closed down, there may
appear several on the same theme. Moreover, the state by suppressing
regionalist movements is only radicalizing them.”
This means that whatever tactical
victories the Kremlin gains over regionalists, it is at the level of strategy “losing
the war.” As Urals regionalist Andrey
Romanov, who has been forced to emigrate, puts it, what is obvious to many does
not seem to obvious to any in the current Russian government.
Many now see, he says, that “Russia
has no chances over the long term to remain in its current borders. Indeed, the
main event of the 21st century will be the disappearance of Russia
and the formation on this territory of new independent states,” not on ethnic
lines alone but primarily on regionalist ones.
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