Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 18 – At the very
end of the Soviet period, Moscow organized the so-called interdvizheniya
[“internationalmovements”] in the Baltic countries, groups that sought to save
the USSR by promoting close ties between the ethnic Russians and some local
people and between both and Moscow.
Now, a movement in Kazakhstan has
emerged that recalls those groups because of the prominence of ethnic Russian
involvement in it, that has been accused of links to Moscow and that aspires to
become a political party not to prevent the disintegration of something but to
promote the re-integration of the post-Soviet space.
While it is difficult to say how far
this parallel holds, it is already obvious that the group which calls itself “the
Kazakhstan Society of Internationalists” is at the very least a testing out of tactics
which have their roots in the late Soviet period and that may be employed not
just in Kazakhstan but in other post-Soviet states as well.
Saule Isabayeva of Kazakhstan’s Central
Asian Monitor interviews Bakhytzhan Kopbayev, the movement’s leader, about
the progress his movement has made since she spoke with him at the beginning of
2019 in an interview that sparked serious controversy (camonitor.kz/33656-internacionalisty-kazahstana-pervyy-shag-k-sozdaniyu-partii.html).
(The earlier interview appeared in
January. It is available at camonitor.kz/32410-sumeyut-li-antifashisty-v-kazahstane-sozdat-internacionalnuyu-partiyu.html.
For the broad and generally negative response it generated among Kazakhs, see camonitor.kz/32519-partiya-internacionalistov-byt-ey-v-kazahstane-ili-ne-byt.html.)
Kopbayev was cagey
about the sources of money behind his group’s rise, saying only that major
businesses are quite prepared to invest in his operation. As to his group’s relationship
with the republic communist party which also promotes internationalism, the Internationalist
leader says that the two can cooperate but the communists are a fading
force.
The Internationalist movement is stronger,
he suggests, because it was created from below, because it explicitly represents
“citizens of various nationalities whose rights have been in one or another way
denigrated, and because it has “a clear, simple and understandable ideology –
the struggle for social justice and equality” and opposition to fascism.
Eight months ago when he spoke with
Isabayeva before, Kopbayev continues, “then we were simply a group of citizens
angry about the propaganda of fascist ideas and the rapid spread in the country
of Russophobia. And now who are we? An officially registered movement with a
firm intention to become a political party.”
“We have acted step by step,” Kopbayev says, first
creating a central staff and then registering groups throughout the country. Now, we are “ready to move forward, to create
out own party, and if we ae able to do that, to take part in parliamentary
elections and in the future in presidential ones as well.”
Despite
resistance by Kazakh “national radicals” who often support “fascist” ideas
involving the oppression of the ethnic Russian minority, he argues, the
Internationalists are gaining strength and will not “sacrifice its principles”
to avoid being attacked by others. (That phrase, of course, recalls Nina
Andreyeva’s use of it at the end of Soviet times.)
Sauliyeva
says that many in Kazakhstan believe that the Internationalist Movement is connected
with the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation. Kopbayev denies
this: Such suspicions “of course, have not been confirmed. They are baseless
... Our Motherland is Kazakhstan and we want to make it free and our people confident
in its future.”
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