Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 10 – Igor
Stepanov, an investigator for the Russian Procuracy General between 1999 and
2016 who tried to bring criminal charges against Stalin and now is doing so
against Roman Rudenko for their crimes, says that if the Soviet state hadn’t jailed
and killed “millions,” Russians now would not live any worse than people in
Western countries.
Stepanov, who now cooperates with
Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s Open Russia, says it is important to try to bring such
charges in order to document what was done by the perpetrators even as Russia
continues to rehabilitate their victims (znak.com/2020-02-
10/kak_byvshiy_sledovatel_genprokuratury_pytaetsya_privlech_k_otvetstvennosti_organizatorov_repressiy).
The process of seeking to bring
charges, he tells Znak’s Yevgeny Senshin, involves determining whether a crime
had taken place and identifying who committed it and whether, for those who did
so long ago, determining whether those who might be charged have been rehabilitated
or not rehabilitated.
Under Russian law, Stepanov says,
even if someone who has committed a crime has died, a case may be opened against
him “if this is necessary for the rehabilitation of the one who has died. In
this way, even a refusal to open a case because a legal document which gives an
assessment of the legality or illegality of the actions of the individual.”
The Investigation Committee rejected
his effort to bring charges against Stalin, but even that is not the end, he
continues. It simply means that he must and will gather more evidence and documentation
and seek charges in the future.
Some argue that those who committed
crimes under Stalin rehabilitated themselves by their role in defeating Hitler,
but that is not the case, Stepanov says. “Certainly, no one is 100 percent good
or bad.” But there is no good way to balance the good and the bad, and those
who violate the law must be charged.
And Rudenko, who served as Stalin’s
chief prosecutor, thus should not escape because he was a prosecutor at
Nuremberg or because he asked for the rehabilitation of many in Khrushchev’s
time. The former was the action of someone under Stalin’s control; the latter
presented no risks to him and did nothing to lessen his guilt.
Bringing such cases exposes the
crimes of the system, Stepanov argues, and helps make people aware that it was
entirely possible to industrialize or fight Hitler without the excesses of Stalin. “Had there not been millions of repressed
people,” he says, he is “certain that we wouold now live no worse than in the most
developed countries.”
Russians need to recognize that
Stalin’s actions from the GULAG to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact were crimes against
the Russian people. And they must
demonstrate this understanding by insisting that the perpetrators be charged
and their names removed from cities and streets in the Russian Federation.
The current efforts to rehabilitate
Stalin and his regime are likely to have “unexpected” consequences for the
regime that is carrying them out. “Having awoken ‘Stalin’s spirit, the authorities
haven’t considered that it could be directed against them as well if the people
see in it the cause of their misfortunes.”
If that happens, what began as an
attempt by the current powers to justify themselves could end as an attack on
their failure to break with the Stalinist past. That doesn’t mean that Russia
will have a Nuremberg trial as some think as there are fundamental differences
between that case or even the case of East Europeans after 1989.
“The Nuremberg Trial was conducted
by the victors over the vanquished,” Stepanov says. “In Russia, ‘the Stalinists’
weren’t defeated. The participants in the repressions, their students and
spiritual ‘heirs’ were not removed and remained in their jobs. Therefore, the
carrying out of such a trial in Russia was impossible” and for now still is.
Despite that, it is important to
bring criminal charges against the chief actors and to continue the process of rehabilitation
of their victims. Doing only the latter is not enough. “Just as ‘a war is not
ended until the last soldier is buried,’ soo repressions continue until the last
killer is condemned.”
“As that has not yet happened,
repressions in Russia aren’t at an end. They are only stopped,” Stepanov says.
The European experience unfortunately
isn’t suitable for us,” he concludes. “If in the countries of Europe, including
those who were earlier in the USSR itself, a change of regime really occurred,
in Russia, this didn’t happen, and those in power are in fact the same as those
who were earlier.”
That means, the former prosecutor
says, that Russia has to find its own way out of the bloody mire of the Bolshevik
past.
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