Paul Goble
Staunton,
Oct. 16 – The mafia state Vladimir Putin has put in place in Russia is not only
a danger to that country but to the world, Yury Felshtinsky and Vladimir Popov
say, because like its Soviet predecessor, the Russian regime seeks to replicate
itself in other countries and is even less constrained in its actions toward
that end than were the communists.
In a
new book, From the Red Terror to the Mafia State: Russia’s Special Services
in the Struggle for World Rule (in Russian; Kyiv: Nash Forman), the
US-based Russian historian and the former KGB lieutenant colonel demolish the
argument of those who insist that Putinism is a threat only to Russia or at
most to Russia’s neighbors.
In
that respect, the argument of the two is even more important than was that of
Felshtinsky in his 2002 volume, The FSB Blows Up Russia, that documented
how Putin orchestrated the blowing up of the apartment blocks in Russian cities
in order to have a pretext for restarting Moscow’s war against Chechnya.
Felshtinsky
told Radio Liberty interviewer Dmitry Volchek that his new book covers a far
broader theme than did his earlier one. It focuses on “the century-long history
of the struggle of the special services for power first in the state and then
already after 2000 when this power was seized for the spread of this power
beyond the borders of the Russian Federation” (svoboda.org/a/agenty-i-obekty-omerziteljnaya-gadina-gosudarstva-chekistov/31506942.html).
Some
see this as a return to the Soviet past, but there is a fundamental difference,
one that springs from the relationships between the CPSU and the security services.
The latter were celebrated as the weapon of the former, but in fact, “the chief
enemy of state security” in Soviet times was not invaders or dissidents but the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union.”
The
KGB under its various names was engaged in a struggle against the CPSU even as
it ostensibly served that ruling stratum, Felshtinsky says. When the CPSU
ceased to exist, the KGB, now renamed the FSB, had an unobstructed path to
total power and was prepared for this because it had its agents in all parts of
Russian society.
“Tens
of thousands of spies secretly worked in Soviet structures and organizations,
in the editorial offices of newspapers, in television, in banks, in scientific
research institutions and in universities.” As a result, when Putin became
president, the FSB was able to seize power almost “instantaneously.” There was
no real power capable of opposing them.
This
regime, unprecedented in history, has proven surprisingly strong and stable,
the researcher continues. That is because the KGB officers are “very special
people.” They are committed to obedience to those above them and to view
everyone else as an enemy that must be destroyed and against whom all means are
justified.
These
people are prepared to use military force when they can but also to subvert and
recruit leaders in other countries, much as they have already done in the
Russian Federation, Feltshtinsky says. This is their strategic goal and its
immediate application calls for the destruction of the EU and NATO so that the
KGB rulers can expand their power.
“We
are accustomed to exist in a system when states are run by political parties,
when leaders who represent the interests of this or that party come to power.
[But] in the Russian Federation, a system has been established when the parties
fight for places in parliament” to enrich themselves “but do not fight for
political power in the country.”
Those
who think otherwise either about the KGB state’s goals abroad or its actions at
home only deceive themselves and others and make it easier for the Putinist
special services state to achieve its ends, Felshtinsky concludes.
In
his interview, the US-based Russian analyst does not say; but the logical of
his argument is this: democratic forces in Russia and their supporters in the
West focused on doing away with the CPSU 30 years ago but failed to recognize
that there was a parallel and even greater threat from the Russian security
agencies.
As a
result, those were never dismantled in the same way; and the Putin regime today
is at least in part the consequence of this failure in understanding then and
to this day.
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