Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 26 – Since independence,
Ukraine has renamed 52,000 streets, dropping Soviet-imposed ones in favor of names
drawn from Ukrainian history or entirely apolitical sources. But two recent cases
have reversed street name changes in Kyiv and Kharkiv, an indication that toponymy
is again becoming a place of political struggle.
A Kyiv district court this week overruled
a decision by the Kyiv city council two years ago and restored the names Moscow
and Vatutin, a Soviet general, to streets that now bear the names of Stepan
Banderea and Roman Shukhevich, two leaders of the Organization of Ukrainian
Nationalists during World War II. An appeal is pending.
Last week, the Kharkiv city council restored
the name of Georgy Zhukov to a street there. Two years ago, the same council
dropped the Soviet officer’s name and gave the street the name of Petro Grigorenko,
also a Soviet general but a man who fought for the rights of the Crimean Tatars
and other minorities.
These changes have triggered
discussions both about the past these various figures represent and about who
and what is behind the current efforts to reverse earlier renaming, with some
suggesting that pro-Russian forces are behind it and are exploiting the lack of
clarity in the position of the new Ukrainian president on this point to act now.
Whatever the exact facts turn out to
be, Moscow commentators are celebrating those who have pressed for these
changes as human rights activists and saying that the restoration of the Soviet
names in place of Ukrainian nationalist ones represents a triumph of “historical
justice” (e.g., vz.ru/world/2019/6/26/984277.html).
But
Ukrainian officials and activists say that what is happening now not only insults
Ukrainians who want to recover their own past, one often submerged by the Soviet
authorities, but is part of Moscow’s war effort against Ukraine now and thus
must be opposed to the full extent of the law (svoboda.org/a/30022021.html).
Vladimir
Vyatrovich, the head of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, says that
he believes that the effort to reverse the earlier renaming is an attempt by “pro-Russian
forces” to use the uncertainties of the presidential changeover in Ukraine and
represents another example of Russian revanchism.
He
suggests that the Kharkiv case is especially offensive. Grigorenko was someone
who “struggled for a free and democratic Ukraine, in contrast to Zhukov who
fought for a totalitarian communism one. Grigorenko was also an official of
Soviet times, also a general, but he found in himself sufficient bravery to
speak out against the Soviet regime.”
In
particular, Vyatrovich says, Grigorenko “defended the Crimean Tatars, and at
present, when the Crimean Tatars are under Kremlin pressure, it is very
important to remember those people who often on their own struggled for the
freedom of the Crimean Tatar people.”
With
regard to the Kyiv court decision, he continues, “Moscow” as a street name
doesn’t fall under the Ukrainian law about de-communization, but thousands of
Kyiv residents asked for the change because in their minds it symbolized
Russian occupation. Vatutin, however, does fall under the law beyond any question.
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