Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 29 – Because until
relatively recently Russians could not move abroad freely, the issue of
emigration remains very “politicized,” Denis Volkov says, with supporters of the
regime calling those who want to leave or do traitors and opponents saying that
emigration can be blamed on “the bloody Putin regime.”
But while there certainly are some
Russians who move abroad for political reasons – something partially confirmed
by polls showing that opponents of the regime are more inclined to do so than supporters
(levada.ru/2019/11/26/emigratsionnye-nastroeniya-4/),
most do so for social and economic reasons, the commentator says (forbes.ru/obshchestvo/388461-vremya-uezzhat-pochemu-stolko-lyudey-hotyat-pokinut-rossiyu).
These reasons include “the unstable
economic situation in Russia and widespread notions that abroad one can provide
for oneself and one’s children a life of comfort and well-being.” And to
achieve that, many Russians are prepared to accept for a time low-paid work in
Western countries.
The number of Russians thinking about
emigrating tracks with international tensions. When they are high, fewer do;
when the tensions ease, more. At present, Volkov says, attitudes about
emigration are returning to where they were before the Crimean Anschluss.
Younger Russians who did not
experience Soviet life, who live in major cities, and who know English – nearly
a third of them do – are more likely to consider living abroad than other Russians.
For them, “Western culture – music, films, books, fashionable clothing – has long
become an inalienable part of their lives and a constituent element of their
identity.”
For such young Russians, moving abroad is less
of a break than it is for their elders. But despite that, Volkov continues, “polls
show that the share of citizens who undertake real steps for moving abroad, has
remained practically unchanged for a quarter of a century and hardly exceeds
one percent of the adult population of the country.”
That means, he says, that when one
talks about attitudes favoring emigration, this term should be put “in quotation
marks.” Even more, Russians should change the way in which they discuss this
issue and broaden it in significant ways.
In most leading countries, people no longer speak about “brain drains”
but rather about “a global competition for talent.”
“In this competition, what is
important is not so much the ability to hold home-grown cadres as to attract to
oneself the best specialists from the entire world,” Volkov argues. Approaching
the issue in this way raises an entirely different set of questions which few
Russians are yet asking.
Who and from where are people coming
to Russia? Can Russia attract more qualified specialists from other countries?
How easy will it be for them to adapt to Russian conditions? And “are local
citizens ready to accept them as they are?” These are not trivial issues in and
of themselves.
But what is more, Volkov concludes,
is that “the demographic situation in Russia is such that with the passing of time
we will depend ever more on Russia’s ability to attract people from other countries.” That is not something Russians have been
discussing but it is an issue they must turn their attention to.
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