Paul Goble
Staunton,
October 12 – Moscow military commentator Aleksandr Khamchikhin asks a question
few Russians are willing to address in public: “Does Russia need an advanced
post in Central Asia?” -- or is it not the case that Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
need the Russian military bases they have on their territory far more than
Moscow does”
In
Novoye voyennoye obozreniye today,
the deputy director of the Moscow Institute for Political and Military Analysis
even suggests that the imbalance in need for these bases is so great that
Moscow should simply shut them down if the government of either country makes
more demands for rent and other concessions (nvo.ng.ru/concepts/2018-10-12/5_1017_asia.html).
Such an argument
almost certainly reflects the economic stringencies the Russian military faces;
but it is also a product of a broader strategic calculation: Russia can do
without these bases; but these two countries can’t, given the weaknesses of
their militaries and their states and the challenges facing them from within their
own borders and from Afghanistan.
In Kyrgyzstan, Russia has “a purely
symbolic” air force “but more or less real ground forces,” Khramchikhin says;
but in Tajikistan, “both kinds of these forces are purely symbolic.” In both cases, the bases provide “a certain
guarantee against aggression from neighboring countries and be ready to oppose
the possible invasion of Islamist radicals from Afghanistan.”
“Now,” of course, he continues,
“Russia is attempting to organize talks on Afghanistan.” What will come of this
is impossible to day; but if nothing, then the base in Tajikistan “sooner or
later will have to fight.” If this were to be a conventional battle, the base
would have the advantage, but “unfortunately,” the Islamists don’t fight that
way – and it won’t.
“And just how many resources Russia
would need to conduct such a war is something that it is better not to think
about, the Moscow military analyst says.
The situation is further complicated
by “the significant distance of Tajikistan from Russia, the extremely
complicated natural and climatic conditions in this country and also serious
internal instability.” If the civil war there were to restart, “it is
completely unclear what Russian forces would do in that situation.”
Were that to happen, Russia could
lose yet another important military site in Tajikistan, the “Window” system
which is capable of tracking even small objects in orbit. The climatic
conditions there are perfect for such a system, Khramchikhin says, and cannot
be easily duplicated in Russia.
But despite the value of such
systems, he continues, Russia could live without them, while “Kyrgyzstan and
Tajikistan could not live without our bases.” Consequently, they should be
making demands of Russia; and Russia certainly should not be making any
concessions to them when they do. Instead, it should simply signal its
readiness to pull out.
How many Russian political or
military leaders think the same way is impossible to say; but Khramchikhin’s
article suggests that at least some in Moscow are thinking this way now – and
that represents a sea change from the past and from assumptions in the West
that Moscow wants to project power in this way wherever it can on the
post-Soviet space.
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