Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 11 – Vladimir Putin’s
recent suggestion that there are Russian lands in neighboring states that were
once Soviet republics and that these republics should not have left the USSR
without returning them shocked many because it implied that Moscow had some
right to get these territories back.
Most commentaries reacted to Putin’s
words either with enthusiasm (some Russian imperialists), horror (almost
everyone else in Russia and elsewhere), and dismissive comments in the West that
he was just playing to his base in advance of the July 1 vote on the
constitutional amendments (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2020/06/putin-says-russia-gave-land-to.html).
In fact, the notions Putin pushes
have a history going back to the end of Soviet times and the start of the
post-Soviet period because of what Russians and others know about how republic
borders were drawn and redrawn in Soviet times. (On that, see the current
author’s “Can Republic Borders be
Changed?” RFE/RL Report on the USSR, September 28,
1990.)
At that time and both because of everything
else that was going on and because many across the region and in the West felt
that any discussion of the adequacy of borders and their possible change would
lead to explosions, Russian leaders and those of other new independent states
concluded that it was in everyone’s interest to accept the Soviet-established status
quo.
Indeed, any proposal to consider
changes was widely attacked, as this author can attest. I suggested a possible
solution to the Karabakh conflict that would have involved a territorial swap
between Armenia and Azerbaijan, only to be attacked from almost all sides. (On
that, see reliefweb.int/report/armenia/how-goble-plan-was-born-and-how-it-remains-political-factor.)
But now, Dmitry Skvortsov, a Moscow
analyst, has described the work of a Russian scholar who represents the bridge
between talk in the wake of 1991 and Putin’s recent words. That scholar was the late Vladimir L. Makhnach
of the Moscow Higher School of Economics (fondsk.ru/news/2020/07/11/chto-skazal-prezident-rossii-slovami-o-mine-zamedlennogo-dejstvija-51344.html).
Makhnach wrote that “it is generally
well-known how the borders of the union and autonomous republics were defined.”
According to him, Moscow considered the location of the Estonian or Yakut most
distant from the republic center and included that within the borders of
Estonia or Sakha (proza.ru/2015/01/29/1199).
“But no one was interested where the
Russian most distant from his ethnic center lived … Remember how Lenin gave the
newly-declared Latvia all of Latgalia and part of Vitebsk gubernia, about which
even the most flaming Latvian separatists never dreamed,” the late Russian
writer says.
“Our schools over the course of the entire
Soviet period” insisted on using the non-Russian names for places throughout
history even if they acquired their non-Russian names only in Soviet times, he
continues. That makes many Russians
think that these were not Russian places earlier.
With regard to the future and the
possible restoration of borders resembling those of Soviet times, Makhach
argued that there is a relatively simple distinction which will help define
what Moscow and Russia should seek and conversely what they should not. That is the difference between the term “country”
and “state.”
“Far from every state is a country,”
he said. The German states in Central Europe are the classical example of this:
there were many German states, but people agreed there was one Germany. The
same thing became true after 1991 when “on the territory of Russia again were
formed about a dozen states.”
As Skvortsov says, “the historian
did not in any case call for presenting the neighbors with ultimatums. However,
he did consider that informing them about our point of view isn’t a problem.” And
Makhnakh added that some of these states are not countries, with Ukraine being
his most frequently suggested example.
In a 2007 lecture entitled “The Territory
of Historical Russia,” the historian argued that Moscow should distinguish
between those parts of the Russian Empire and those of historical Russia. “Turkestan,
the Caucasus (besides the Cossack areas), and the Baltic states (perhaps
without Latgalia) and Tuva are parts of the historical Russian Empire.”
“But a large part of Kazakhstan
(almost always, perhaps except for Dzhambul oblast), Ukraine, Belarus, and
Transdniestria are parts of historical Russia … Russians have turned out to be
a dispersed and divided nation.”
Interest in overcoming that wound is entirely natural, Makhnach suggested.
The Russians are not the only nation
affected by this history. The Lezgins
are another, the historian says. Part of them live in the Russian Federation
and part in independent Azerbaijan. “But the Lezgins of Azerbaijan do not want
to live in independent Azerbaijan; they want as before to live in Greater Russia
but so to speak without moving.”
Instead, the Lezgins “want to come
with their land into Russia. Generally speaking,” Makhnach says, “this is their
right. It is after all their land.”
According
to Skvortsov, “this approach appears now much less realistic than in the first
decade after the disintegration of the USSR; but who knows what changes await the
post-Soviet world in the future? Who in January 2014 could have imagined that
already in March, ‘Crimea would go into its native harbor,’” and that Russian
passports would be distributed in Donetsk and Luhansk?
No one is going to be able to
correct “the errors of Soviet leaders” now. But one should be thinking about what
to do next. And Makhnach provides food for thought. What he does not say but what seems clear is
that the late scholar’s arguments have already had an impact on the thinking of
Vladimir Putin.
