Friday, May 15, 2026

Number of Kazakhs Moving from China to Kazakhstan Triples since 2025 and is Now Higher than at Any Point in the Last Decade

Paul Goble

            Staunton, May 14 – During the first quarter of 2026, 1260 people emigrated from China to settle in Kazakhstan, 99.5 percent of whom ethnic Kazakhs, three times the number doing so in the same time period in 2025 and higher than at any other analogous period in the last decade.

            As a result, China now represents the third largest source of immigration to Kazakhstan, behind only Uzbekistan from which 2275 resettled earlier this year and just behind the Russian Federation from which 1265 did (asia24.media/news/potok-pereselentsev-iz-kitaya-v-kazakhstan-utroilsya-v-pervom-kvartale/).

            This pattern, one likely to continue, means that Kazakhstan will continue to become ever more Kazakh and that tensions between Astana and Beijing over the treatment of Kazakhs in the PRC are likely to decline given that there were soon be few Kazakhs or even none at all left there.

Tatarstan Creates ‘Volunteer’ Organization of Veterans of Putin’s War to Patrol Streets

Paul Goble

              Staunton, May 13 – Russian officials have long feared that veterans returning from Putin’s war in Ukraine who aren’t able to find high-paying positions will turn to radical nationalist groups or a life of crime (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2025/04/veterans-joining-radical-russian.html).

              In order to prevent that from happening, the authorities in Tatarstan has set up special “volunteer” organizations open to veterans who are then enlisted to help the republic’s militia patrol the streets of population centers in that Middle Volga republics (tatar-inform.ru/news/ucastniki-svo-iz-tatarstana-budut-pomogat-policii-v-patrulyax-6026827).

              While such groups are nominally independent, they in fact are controlled by the state authorities and thus likely represent less of a danger to the republic than would those who don’t answer to anyone but themselves. If this project works, Moscow is likely to try to get other federal subjects to copy it.


Healthcare Outside of Moscow Deteriorating because of Putin’s Policies

Paul Goble

            Staunton, May 13 – Russians in major cities live longer than those in poorer regions of the country at least in part because the latter cannot get the treatment they need locally, a problem that has increased because of Putin’s healthcare optimization program and cutbacks in services as a result of his war in Ukraine.

            That is the conclusion of a Radio Liberty survey of healthcare across the Russian Federation, something that has always been unequal but now is more unequal than ever before (svoboda.org/a/geografiya-vyzhivaniya-pochemu-v-rossii-shans-na-lechenie-zavisit-ot-mesta-zhiteljstva/33742767.html).

            Among the many examples the service gives is access to MRI technology, something that plays a critical role in the early detection and treatment of cancer. In Moscow, there are more than three times as many such apparatuses as there are in Tyva, and breakdowns in the latter thus create bottlenecks in diagnostics and treatment.

            “The disparity in access to medical care between the capitals and the provinces,” the journalists say, “arises and is intensified due to the meager nature of most local budgets, which are simply incapable of contributing their fair share to healthcare funding at an adequate level,” Radio Liberty reports.

            These regional budgetary problems have a particular impact on the treatment of diseases not covered under Russia’s mandatory health insurance scheme. “These include among others psychiatry, tuberculosis treatment, HIV care and the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases.”

            The federal subjects also bear primary responsibility “for palliative care, rehabilitation services, and sanatorium-resort treatment.” As a result of Putin’s optimization and the costs of the war, Russians everywhere are receiving poorer healthcare, but those beyond the ring road are suffering the most.

Share of Russians Identifying as Orthodox Christians has Fallen from 78 Percent in 2011 to 65 Percent Now, Polls Show

Paul Goble

            Staunton, May 14 – Despite Putin’s promotion of Russian Orthodoxy as part of his much-ballyhooed traditional values, the share of Russians who identify with that church has fallen from 78 percent in a poll taken in 2011 to another one which was conducted in February and March of this year.

            These polls were conducted by St. Tikhon Orthodox University for the Humanities and their results have now been published by Moscow’s Vedomosti newspaper (vedomosti.ru/society/articles/2026/05/14/1197125-za-15-let-dolya-pravoslavnih-rossiyan-snizilas).

            Russian scholars say that the share of Russians identifying as Orthodox fell to 67 percent in 2020 before jumping upward during the covid pandemic which led many to seek solace in their faith. That upward tick soon dissipated although many had expected a rise during the wave of uncertainty brought on by Putin’s war in Ukraine, something that hasn’t happened so far,

            While the total share of Russians identifying as Orthodox has fallen since 2011, the percentage who manifest their religious affiliation by attending services has declined only by an insignificant amount, a sign that those who have fallen away were likely those who earlier were far less committed than those who took an active interest in church life.

The Longer Putin Continues His War in Ukraine, the Less Likely Russia is to Emerge with Its Face Saved or the Kremlin Leader Still in Office, Inozemtsev Says

Paul Goble

            Staunton, May 13 – Had Putin ended his ‘special military operation” in Ukraine in the summer of 2022, he might have been able to present it as a Russian victory, Vladislav Inozemtsev says; but the longer he continues his war there, the less likely it is that Russia will exit with its face saved or with Putin himself still in office.

            That conclusion reflects four lessons that wars in recent centuries teach, lessons that do not indicate when a war will end but give a remarkably prescient description of what their results will ultimately be for the country that launches such a campaign, the Russian commentator says (ru.themoscowtimes.com/2026/05/13/konets-ne-blizkii-no-yasnii-a195126).

            The first lesson, Inozemtsev says, is that in recent times, the longer any war lasts, the greater the dangers for the aggressor and its government. The second is that modern wars are fought and won on the basis of large coalitions and any country that tries to go it alone will lose in the end.

            The third lesson, he argues, is that “modern wars – especially unsuccessful ones – become a critically important catalyst for the restructuring of the political systems within the nations involved,” something that means it will be very hard for Putin to convince Russian’s he has won in Ukraine if he so obviously hasn’t.

            And the fourth lesson involves the economics of war. Conducting wars is increasingly expensive; and with each passing month, the bill both now and the future rises, something that the population of the aggressor country can ever more easily see and is ever more likely to act against those, their own leaders, who are imposing it.

            “None of this implies that Russia’s war in Ukraine is likely to end anytime soon,” Inozemtsev says. But together these reasons mean that “the longer the conflict drags on, the less room there remains for doubt that the Kremlin stands no chance—not only of achieving victory but even of exiting the conflict "with its face saved."

            The Russian commentator concludes with words that deserve to be quoted in extenso: “Russia had already reached the absolute limit of what it could hope to gain from a war with Ukraine back in the summer of 2022—before Putin was forced to declare a "partial mobilization" and subsequently pivot to his "death-onomics."

And also “before the full force of sanctions took effect and Europeans began to sever energy ties; before the West began supplying Ukraine with substantial quantities of modern weaponry and before Ukraine itself began laying the groundwork for establishing a modern domestic defense industry.”

Since that time, Inozemtsev continues, “the Kremlin has done nothing but sink ever deeper into a futile confrontation—one it is now openly beginning to lose. This reality will become increasingly self-evident with every passing month.

No one today can predict with any precision how this war will ultimately end; however, the notion of Russia acquiring four (or six, or eight) Ukrainian regions is now entirely out of the question.” But at the same time, “the prospect of Putin remaining at the helm of a humiliated and bankrupt Russia looks increasingly improbable.”

Thursday, May 14, 2026

Russian Victory Day Ceremony on Svalbard ‘Veiled Effort’ to Build Militarized Presence on the Norwegian Archipelago, ‘Barents Observer’ Says

Paul Goble

            Staunton, May 13 – A small demonstration on Svalbard organized by the Russian consulate general and the Moscow-owned Arktikugol company and featuring four young people wearing Russian uniforms and waving Russian and Soviet flags was “a veiled effort” to challenge Norwegian sovereignty over the archipelago, Atle Staalesen says.

            The founder of The Barents Observer says that Kari Aga Myklebost, a scholar at Norway’s Arctic University agrees and used “seemly legitimate war commemorations to normalize warmongering symbols and rhetoric” (thebarentsobserver.com/news/behind-russias-victory-day-ceremony-on-svalbard-was-a-veiled-effort-to-build-a-militarised-presence/450491).

            “Through these events,” she says, “Kremlin foreign policy narratives about victory in Ukraine and a Russian ‘war of defense’ are promoted, while at the same time Norway’s liberal principles concerning freedom of speech and assembly are being exploited and tested.”

            She adds that “Not only liberal principles but also Norwegian and wider European security are at stake. If Russia succeeds in pushing these boundaries and normalizing its militarised presence on Svalbard, we may face a serious and acute security situation.”  And she calls for Norway to push back and encourage others in the West to do the same.

            Norwegian officials on Svalbard, however, played down the event telling Aftenposten that “there is nothing about the demonstration that we find cause to react to” (aftenposten.no/verden/i/aJvOBd/putin-parade-paa-norsk-territorium-en-provokasjon-fra-russland).

            (For background on Svalbard and Russian efforts to exploit the special legal situation there, see windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2025/11/putins-special-envoy-for-svalbard-says.html, windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2026/01/russia-has-every-right-to-expand-its.html and windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2026/02/moscow-increases-its-focus-on-two-north.html.)

Most Russians Feel They are Suffering from ‘Too Many Inconveniences’ and This Sense Both Reflects and is Affecting Their Evaluations of Putin, Levinson Says

Paul Goble

            Staunton, May 12 – Two of the most frequently asked questions are whether the anger many Russians feel about the difficulties they now face in their daily lives will translate into political opposition to those responsible or whether Russians will keep the two separate and support Putin despite the problems they have.

            Investigating those issues are difficult, but Aleksey Levinson of the Levada Center says that the results of a survey in which Russians were asked whether “there are too many inconveniences” in their lives and how this relates to political judgments provide suggestive answers (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2026/05/12/byt-zael).

            Despite fears that Russians might not be willing to answer such a question, the sociologist says, the poll found that the rate of those who were not ready to give an answer was no higher than in other polls and that the differences the responses between the poorest segments of society and the wealthiest are thus indicative.

            The survey found that “more than two-thirds of the Russian residents surveyed are now dissatisfied with the sheet volume of inconveniences in their lives, while only 20 percent are inclined to disagree and only seven percent “definitely” do so, with poorer Russians more inclined to agree and wealthier ones less so.

            What this suggests, Levinson says, is that “for the majority of people in the country, life does not feel the way it ought to and therefore it is not merely inconvenient but excessively so.” At the same time, his pollsters asked whether the country was moving in the right direction. As has been true throughout the Putin era, a majority does; but the size of that majority is falling.

            This suggests, the pollster concludes, that feelings about inconveniences are beginning to have political consequences, he continues, with those who oppose Putin, although a minority but a growing one, “more than twice as likely as his supporters to state with absolute certainty that ‘there are far too many inconveniences’” in Russian live under his rule.