Paul Goble
Staunton,
October 16 – However much Vladimir Putin insists otherwise, Aleksandr Tsipko
says, Russians and Ukrainians “are not a divided nation.” They are instead two
different Slavic peoples who over the course of many centuries have lived separately,
who have not only different languages and who have different spiritual worlds
and geopolitical preferences.”
The
Russian philosopher and commentator devotes an essay in Nezavisimaya gazeta to dispelling this myth which he argues is not
only destructive of any possibility of good relations between Russians and
Ukrainians but also of any chance for Russia itself to develop in a positive
way (ng.ru/ideas/2018-10-15/9_7332_myth.html).
However “insane” it seemed in the
early 1990s, Tsipko begins, the Russian Federation and Ukraine developed separate
lives “completely and finally.” It turned out to be the case that “there was no
spiritual unity of Russians and Ukrainians just as there was no faith of Soviet
people in the ideals of communism.”
Russia did not develop a system of
division of powers. Instead, it returned to “traditional Russian autocracy.”
But it did manage to completely separate the Russian Federation from
Ukraine. “It turned out to be easy to destroy
even that which had been established over the course of centuries.” The events
of 2014 made that division absolutely permanent.
Since that time, the Ukrainian
authorities have done “everything possible and impossible” to ensure that
outcome in part because “anti-communism in Ukraine was more consistent than it
is in Russia” but also because Ukrainians have come to see that all their
misfortunes are the result of Russia as a whole.
To ignore this reality, Tsipko says,
and to accept as true Putin’s claim that Russians and Ukrainians are a divide
people, inflicts “the greatest harm” on both peoples and countries. Moreover, it was clear in the early 1990s
that “relations between the new Russia and independent Ukraine would have nothing
in common with relations between the US and Canada.”
When Ukraine gained its independence
in1918, this was clear because “an independent Ukraine could not but be a
colony of the main enemy of Russia.” For the same reasons, Tsipko continues,
there exists “the inviolable friendship of independent Ukraine and the United
States of America.”
“It is difficult to say,” Tsipko suggests,
“how many residents of Ukraine really view present-day Russia as a mortally
dangerous enemy. But it is beyond doubt that today in Ukraine both in politics
and in ideology, the initiative belongs to those Ukrainians who hate the Crimea-is-Ours
Russia.”
Russians do not want to understand that Ukrainian
attitudes toward Russia are not new but centuries’ old and that Russian
behavior has made them worse, convincing ever more Ukrainians to view themselves
as “victims of the colonial policy of the Russian Empire,” Tsipko says.
“Even
to the unaided eye,” he continues, “it was always obvious that by itself unity
of faith and belonging to one and the same church doesn’t produce spiritual
unity or attachment to one another.” Each side views the other in slighting terms
even if they go to the same church. And differences in their national language
reinforce that.
Tsipko
says he is genuinely disturbed by “the inability of our present-day leaders to
dispense with the Soviet myths about the inviolable brotherhood of Russians and
Ukrainians.” One has to see that this was not true, is not true and will not be
true. But still worse, the current Russian leadership understands this reality
much less well that did the tsarist regime.
“The question arises,” he says: “why does the new
Russian administration in the form of its leader Vladimir Putin not want to
take into consideration the real history of the interrelationships of
Ukrainians and Russians” and to recognize that “the imperial project is dead
and that it cannot be revived?”
“If our leaders were to see the
truth about the Russian Empire, then they would understand that we Russians can
be attractive for other peoples only when we can offer them models of a more well-off
and free life,” the Moscow commentator says.
Instead, they pursue a policy of expanding the territory of present-day
Russia.
“We are thus sacrificing not only the
well-being of the population of the country but our own future. We for some
reason can never understand that it is impossible in the present-day globalized
world to force former Slavic people of Russia to be friends with us, with a
country which at present not only doesn’t project anything attractive but in
fact alienates others.”
According to Tsipko, “we must
recognize that present-day Russia is pushing present-day Ukraine and thinking
Belarusians away not only by its reborn autocracy and the all-powerful nature
of Putin but by its poverty, its unpredictability, and its readiness to fight
everywhere and with everyone.”
“It is time to recognize,” he
concludes, “that all these imperial projects are only making the ring of
enemies around Russia ever tighter and that the situation will end with ‘the
cry of empty shelves’” in Russia itself.
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