Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 29 – The Kremlin is
so accustomed to the loyalty of church hierarchs that is has long assumed that
they speak for the entire Russian Orthodox Church, Sergey Chaplin says; but the
pandemic has brought to the fore something neither they nor the patriarchate
wants to face.
Many in the church, both clergy and
laity, view the state and the Moscow Patriarchate as having betrayed the basic
principles of the faith and now are presenting themselves as an increasingly
powerful movement of Orthodox fundamentalists, a development neither the state
nor the church know how to deal with (carnegie.ru/commentary/82167).
Patriarch Kirill isn’t willing to
risk challenging the fundamentalists too openly because his own position is now
very weak, and the Kremlin hasn’t yet figured out even how to define a church
which it has assumed is its ideological partner as something else, a force that
contains many who oppose everything it does, the specialist on the Orthodox
Church says.
Because some Orthodox
fundamentalists have now directly attacked Vladimir Putin, neither Kirill nor
the Kremlin can put off for long some response. Kirill is trying to temporize,
Chaplin says; but the rise of the fundamentalists may prompt the regime to cut
its subsidies to the ROC MP especially in this time of budgetary
stringency.
“The revolt of the monastery in the Urals and its withdrawal
from subordination to the official Church was unexpected both for the Orthodox
community and for Russian society as a whole,” he says. The church is used to
moving slowly, but the pandemic forced it to speed up – and its steps to
protect against the pandemic sparked outrage among the fundamentalists.
Despite
the wisdom and temporary nature of the Patriarchate’s decision to suspend
church services, the conservative fundamentalists in the church were outraged.
Almost all monasteries ignored the patriarchate order as did many bishops and
priests. The result: at least 73 priests and an unknown number of parishioners
have died from the infection.
It
would be hard to specify what the fundamentalists think if it were not for the
frequent statements by their leaders, Chaplin says. But at present, it centers on three issues:
opposition to any restrictions on church activities during the pandemic,
conspiracy thinking about the origins of the coronavirus, and what Chaplin
calls “magical fundamentalism.”
What makes the
current upsurge in fundamentalism among the Orthodox is that it is not so much
political as was opposition to autocephaly for Ukraine but rather narrowly
religious and even “theological.” That
makes it harder for the Patriarchate to deal with and more opaque to the
Kremlin.
The fundamentalists’ other trump
card is what can be called “magical fundamentalism,” the conviction that those
who keep going to church as the church has typically required will be protected
from the infection. That wins them broader support in addition to their
traditional anti-Western and anti-modernist views.
Following the death of Schiarchimandrite Pyotr on June 5, Shiigumen Sergiy became the effective
leader of the movement. A charismatic figure with a complicated background (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2020/06/russian-church-elder-challenging-both.html),
Sergiy rapidly put the Patriarchate in an almost impossible position.
In
addition to attacking Kirill for his policies on the pandemic, the shiigumen
condemned the Russian state for fighting against God and even declared it was “creating
in Russia ‘a fascist concentration camp of Satan.” The church had to react: it banned him from
preaching, but he ignored that. Then it called him to face a church court, but
he has now ignored that too.
Sergiy
knows he has widespread support not only among ordinary believers but also
among many prominent media figures and so is unlikely to back down.
This
means, Chaplin says, that there are currently “two big questions” the answers
to which are not yet clear. The first is
addressed to the Church: How can so many views exist within the clergy and the faithful? And the second to the secular powers that be:
what should the state do if the Patriarchate doesn’t ensure the church will
always support the state?
The
church doesn’t want to deal with the problem of fundamentalism within its
ranks, preferring to talk only about fundamentalism in Islam or “’fundamentalism
in general.’” Given Kirill’s weakened
position, Chaplin says, this is the worst possible time for the hierarchy to
try to respond.
But at
present, the state doesn’t have an answer as to what it should do with the
church either. It values the church when it backs the regime, but it certainly
won’t continue to do so if large parts of the church are now increasingly
hostile to what the Kremlin is saying and doing, Chaplin concludes.
No comments:
Post a Comment