Paul Goble
Staunton,
April 5 – The Karachays and Balkars, two closely related Turkic speaking
peoples whom Stalin worked hard to separate and deported to Central Asia at the
end of World War II, are recovering their mutual ties as part of a common
diaspora in that region, according to a detailed study of the community.
That
matters not only because it highlights the ways in which Stalin played with
ethnic identities in order to solidify Soviet rule in the periphery but also
and more immediately because of the ways in which his successors, Soviet and
Russian, have kept them divided and used them to divide the Circassians.
When
Moscow allowed most Karachays and Balkars to return to their North Caucasian
homeland in 1957, it transformed two Circassian national formations, the
Kabardinian ASSR and the Cherkessk Autonomous Oblast into the
Kabardino-Balkaria ASSR and the Karachayevo-Cherkess Autonomous Oblast
respectively.
With
only a slight change in names, those two binational formations continue to
exist, blocking the formation of both a unified Circassian republic and a
unified Turkic (Karachay and Balkar) one. If the Karachays and Balkars in the
diaspora are increasingly conscious of their unity, that could lead to a
reordering of political arrangements in the North Caucasus.
According
to the 2010 census, in the Republic of Kabardino-Balkar Republic the Kabards, a
subgroup of Circassians, form 57 percent of the population and the Turkic
Balkars form 13 percent, while in the adjoining Republic Karachay-Cherkessia,
the Turkic Karachays make up 41 percent of the population, while the Circassian
Cherkess form 11 percent.
Many in
the Circassian nation would like to see a common Circassian Republic
established, and many in the Turkic nation of Karachays and Balkars would also
like to form one of their own in which they could be dominant. But Moscow has
actively opposed moves in both directions.
In a “Voprosy
istorii” article posted online today, Alim Tetuyev, a senior scholar at the
Kabardino-Balkarian Scientific Center in Nalchik, discusses the Karachay-Balkar
diaspora in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan and why its member see themselves as one
nation not two (kavkazoved.info/news/2015/04/05/karachaevo-balkarskaja-diaspora-v-stranah-centralnoj-azii.html).
The
first Karachays and Balkars arrived in Central Asia before World War II as part
of Stalin’s de-kulakization campaign. But the numbers of these special settlers
as they were known were small. The major influx came when the two Turkic
peoples were deported by Stalin at the end of 1944 for supposed collaboration
with the Germans.
There,
they remained until 1957-1959 when most but far from all of them returned to
the North Caucasus. According to the 1989 Soviet census, there were 5098
Balkars and 4743 Karachays outside of the Russian Federation, most of whom were
in Kazakhstan or Kyrgyzstan to which they had been deported.
After
the collapse of the USSR, many more left, and by 2009, there were only 3100
Balkars and 2726 Karachays left in the two Central Asian republics. Polls
showed that these overwhelmingly wanted to return to their homelands but could
not for financial or personal reasons, including partial assimilation to the
Turkic peoples among whom they lived.
Both
Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have been supportive, Tetuyev says. Kazakhstan was
the second republic after Russia to adopt programs for the rehabilitation of
representatives of peoples deported in Soviet times. And Kyrgyzstan has been
tolerant of its Turkic minorities, including the Karachays and Balkars.
But what
is most important in terms of the possible future impact of this diaspora is
the fact that members of the two groups who speak languages so close that most people
would describe them as dialects currently study them as a single language in Sunday schools which have opened in both
countries in places of compact settlement of the two.
On the
one hand, that reflects a pattern often found among members of small and
closely related peoples who find themselves abroad to cooperate in order to survive.
But on the other, cooperation in this case reinforces the sense of Turkic unity
not only in the diaspora but in their co-ethnics in their homelands.
Thus, it
is not surprising that the authorities in Karachay-Cherkessia where the Turkic
group is predominant have done more to reach out to the diaspora in Central
Asia than have those in Kabardino-Balkaria where it is not. Tetuyev calls for
both to do more and to put pressure on Moscow for help to bring this diaspora
home.
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