Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 5 – Stalin’s
terror famine in 1932-1933 plays a central role in defining what it means to be
a Ukrainian and is likely soon to play a similar for Kazakhstan, a pattern that
raises the question as to whether the mass famine in Russian areas in 1946-1947
could play a similar role for Russians in the future, according to Yaroslav
Butakov.
In an article on Rufabula.com, the Moscow
political scientist notes that in comparison with other modern famines in
Eurasia, the one that followed World War II has “up to now remained in the shadow,”
one broke only in the 1990s with the publication of new data on it (rufabula.com/articles/2015/12/02/the-post-war-stalinist-holodomor).
As in the case of other 20th
century famines in the Soviet Union, the famine of 1946-1947 was caused by a
combination of natural disasters including drought and political decisions that
made the situation worse. Had Moscow behaved differently, many of the human
losses could have been avoided.
Tragically, Butakov continues, “the
famine appears to be the inevitable result of the policy of the Stalinist
regime, directed at the forced extraction of production from producers” in
order to finance its arms buildup, confrontation with the West, and “’cold war.’”
Between 1946 and 1948, approximately
two million Soviet citizens died from hunger, of whom about half were in the
Russian Federation. Another 35 percent of the total were in Ukraine and
Moldova. Other republics suffered as well. Indeed, the post-war famine was
countrywide, affecting every region one way or another.
Both drought and the loss of
manpower during the war meant that famine was likely and that Moscow needed to
seek help. But instead of doing so, Moscow refused the American offer of aid
via the Marshall Plan and forced its east European satellites to do the same, ensuring
that the famine would hit the population very hard.
The confiscation of livestock in
eastern Europe and its shipment to the USSR did little to help because a large
number of the animals died or were damaged because of mistreatment on the way
to the Soviet Union. But even as
production fell, the state extracted more, leaving ever less food for the
population.
To get the food, the state sent in
its repressive apparatus and arrested, exiled or shot many officials and
ordinary people. In no case did the force structures take into account local
conditions or reduce the amount of grain and other products the collective and
state farms had to hand over.
Moscow did export some grain during
this famine, but that was not the main cause of the loss of life. Instead, the
chief causes were the confiscatory policies of the Soviet state and its failure
to care about what happened to its own people as long as state needs were met,
an attitude that unfortunately is making a comeback under Vladimir Putin.
In his article, Butakov points to
another result of the post-war famine that continues to have an impact on
Russia today. Many believe “the myth” that there was a baby boom in Russia
after the war, but it did not happen, in large measure because of the famine
which hit women in the prime childbearing years hardest and which drove the
fertility rate down.
“Even in 1932-33, the average number
of children per woman in the Russian Federation exceeded 3.5,” a number that
rose to five in 1937 before falling back to 4.2 in 1940. In the war years, the number dropped again,
but it did not recover as much as many think. In 1946, it was 2.9; in 1948,
2.6; and in 1950, 3.1.
These figures reflect the
combination of male losses in World War II and female losses from the post-war
famine, Butakov says, and these losses continue to cast a shadow over the
country.
Butakov repeats his assertion that “there
is no basis to speak about an intentional Holodomor against Great Russia.” But
for a variety of reasons, it became a victim of state policy, a greater one in
percentage terms than any but Moldova.
Ukraine and Belarus were somewhat less hard hit that time because as
members of the UN, they did get some aid from the West.
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