Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 1 – Many commentators
have pointed out that Stalin was the greatest state builder in Ukrainian
history because he added more territory to Ukraine than anyone else and that
Vladimir Putin is the greatest nation builder in Ukraine’s history because his
aggression unified Ukrainians into a modern nation like no one else.
But RFE/RL commentator Pavel Kazarin
takes this argument to a new level in an essay which argues that Putin’s
Anschluss of Crimea was “a good thing” for Ukraine because it created
conditions for the development of country and most important convinced everyone
that they could not live in the old way (ru.krymr.com/a/28083465.html).
Until 2010, the commentator says, “Ukraine
lived according to the rules of a corrupt corporate state.” That was true under
Leonid Kuchma and under Viktor Yushchenko, and Viktor Yanukovich only changed
this state by transforming it into a criminal one. He destroyed the old arrangements and that
means his presidency was “a state of degradation.”
As a result, Yanukovich provoked the
Maidan which ultimately overthrew him.
But those who came in immediately after were all part of the old system
and would almost certainly have gone back to the old ways of doing business,
although perhaps without the criminal overlay of Yanukovich’s regime.
Those who expected otherwise,
Kazarin says, were dreaming of something impossible. Those who came in just after the Maidan were
all too like those they replaced, and they were prepared to do business in the
old way because to do otherwise, to engage in real reforms, was something “outside
their comfort zone.”
And consequently, “if it hadn’t been
for Crimea, everything would have remained as it was. But the annexation of the
peninsula happened, and it turned out that it was no longer possible to live in
the old way” because the only way officials could keep within their comfort
zone was to “preserve Ukrainian statehood.”
The military were the first to
understand that, but they were soon followed by the diplomats who had to deal
with Russian representatives. They
recognized what they could no longer be. As a result, Kazarin says, “the only
choice which stands before Ukraine today is not whether the supporters of the
former arrangements or those of the new will win.”
“The old matrix has passed into
oblivion,” and now, “the dilemma is only about what will come in its place:
populists or pragmatists.” That may not
be what the optimists hoped for but it is better than the alternative.
Thus, “the annexation of the
peninsula became at one and the same time a curse and a blessing for Ukraine,”
a curse because it opened the way to the bloodbath in the Donbass but a
blessing because it dispelled the illusions of the Ukrainian political nation”
about what they faced in Putin’s Kremlin.
In future Ukrainian history textbooks,
Kazarin concludes, Russia’s Anschluss of Crimea “will be on the list of events
which defined the establishment of genuine and not imitation Ukrainian
sovereignty. Possibly fate has a sense of humor. Possibly, this won’t be to our
taste. But one doesn’t get to choose in such things.”
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