Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 5 – Stalin’s
collectivization campaign became the Soviet Union’s “second civil war,”
demographer Aleksandr Babenyshev says, “a war of the poor against the better
off, the city against the countryside, and the state against rural residents” and
one that formed in the minds of Soviet citizens the notion that any resistance
would mean unavoidable destruction.”
That attitude which first arose
among the peasantry and then spread to the cities became the foundation of the
new Soviet man, a personality type which persists to this day, Babenyshev,
better known under his Soviet-era pseudonym Sergey Madsudov, says in his new
book, Victory over the Village: Demographic Losses of Collectivization (in
Russian, Moscow, 2019).
His new work, the summing up of more
than 40 years of research both as a Soviet dissident and a Russian scholar at
the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, seeks to answer the question: “How
many lives did the Holodomor carry off?”
The exact number is still unknown, but Babenyshev says that ten million
people died prematurely during this second civil war.
The HURI scholar discusses his work
with Radio Liberty’s Dmitry Volchek (svoboda.org/a/29982783.html).
And he suggests that “the result of this war became an unprecedented mutation –
the final formation of Soviet man, ‘an individual passively prepared for the
fulfilment of the absurd orders of the bosses and fearful of unexpected
developments.”
Those words are from a review of the
new book by Boris Grozovsky who adds that this “new man” “did not like his
work, did not when he could obey the laws, considered theft the only possible
form for the redistribution of property and was completely lacking in
self-respect … [he] trusted no one and saw life as a war of all against all”(republic.ru/posts/93820).
Babenyshev’s new book makes a number
of additional points and draw conclusions that are certain to spark further discussion
and even controversy. Among the most intriguing are the following:
·
The
Soviet censuses even in Stalin’s time were not useless as many assume: the
overall figures even for republics are more or less reliable. Second, it is “incorrect”
to use the word “died” in reference to losses. There were approximately 10
million premature deaths as a result of this second war, but the number of
specific deaths from this campaign was four to five million.
·
The
losses in Ukraine did not have “an ethnic character. In reality, Ukrainians
suffered proportionately more than did the Russian residents because Russian
were to a significant degree an urban population and Ukrainians were a rural
one.”
·
The
Kremlin did not have a plan to destroy the Ukrainians or the peasantry more generally.
Instead, it wanted to extract the same amount of grain from the peasantry in bad
years as in good. If that left the peasants with too little to survive, that
was, for the Kremlin, collateral damage.
·
Losses
among the peasants reflected not only the actions of the powers that be but also
of the population. When peasants realized they would not keep any of their
harvest, they simply didn’t work to the same extent. That sent the harvest down
further and cost more of them their lives. Only after the confiscations
happened a second and third time did the peasantry admit defeat and collect
even what they could not keep.
·
The
chief evil actor in all this was Stalin. He knew what was going on and insisted
that grain confiscations continue at the same level. But Ukrainian officials like Kosior made it
worse by making promises they could not keep and by the fact that they began collectivization
well ahead of other republics.
·
“There
was resistance” to collectivization, “but one should not call it serious. It
wasn’t effective unlike at the time of the civil war when soldiers returned
with guns. The rural population [by the 1930s] had been disarmed.”
·
Very
quickly resistance was crushed, and the peasantry was quite prepared to hand over
whatever grain the government demands. They accepted this as the new reality.
Stalin recognized this and told Kaganovich that the peasantry had lost and
accepted it subordination.
·
Another
result was that “absurdity became the norm because orders weren’t discussed.
Whether they were wise or not was already not our affair,” those living under
Stalin understood. Moreover, the peasants lost their love for the land and for
rural work. They have not recovered since.
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