Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 26 – Kazakhstan
is an independent country now because Stalin violated his own rules as to which
Soviet territories could be union republics and which had to remain autonomies,
according to Yandex’s Living Central Asia page (zen.yandex.ru/media/centralasia/pochemu-kazahstan-stal-soiuznoi-respublikoi-a-ne-ostalsia-avtonomiei-v-sostave-rossii-5e5678c728b13e7343dda6b0).
For Stalin, a territory could only
become a union republic if it had lay on the border of the USSR. Otherwise the right
to seek independence would be meaningless. Second, it had to have a population
of at least a million or it would be too small to survive. And third, its
titular nationality had to be a majority of the population.
When the Soviets created it, what is
today Kazakhstan was the Kyrgyz Autonomous Republic within the RSFSR with Orenburg
as its capital. Five years later, its capital was shifted to Kyzyl-Orda, Kazakh
regions of Turkestan were joined to it, and it was rechristened the Kazakh
ASSR.
In 1936, Stalin decided to boost its
status to that of a union republic even though its titular nation was not
dominant. “Perhaps,” the Yandex page
says, the Kremlin leader wanted to win Kazakh support before the war or perhaps
Moscow was concerned that some would view t as a colonial power if it kept the
Kazakhs in a more subordinate position.
Or it may be, the news page says,
that Kazakhstan, which had suffered mightily because of sedentarization and
collectivization was close to open revolt --- “there had been several regional
risings” there – and that Moscow felt that giving it the more elevated status
would buy off the population and elites.
The Kazakh share of the population
actually fell in the late 1950s because of the Virgin Lands program, and some
party officials asked Nikita Khrushchev for approval to rename the Kazakh SSR “the
Kazakh-Russian SSR.” Khrushchev, however, refused, saying that it would remain
Kazakhstan “even if there was only one Kazakh there.”
This history resonates today for two
reasons. On the one hand, many non-Russian autonomies within the Russian
Federation declared themselves union republics in 1990 in the hopes of
exploiting the provision of the Soviet constitution that would have allowed
them to pursue independence. Moscow and the West rejected that idea, but it
still remains alive.
And on the other hand, the notion
that ethnic engineering may mean that residents of the Russian Federation may declare
two nationalities and thus open the door to the possibility of renaming the
republics of which they are a part to reflect such identities is something many
non-Russians fear – and Khrushchev’s position thus will be something they may view as a precedent.
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