Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 29 – In recent
weeks, Tatars have expressed serious concern that Bashkortostan will use administrative
pressure and direct falsification of data from the upcoming 2020 census in
order to boost the number and share of Bashkirs in Bashkortostan by reidentifying
Tatars living there as Bashkirs (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2020/02/in-advance-of-2020-census-kazan-urged.html).
Now, Tatar commentator Ilnar
Garifullin shows why they have reason to be afraid: Except for the 1989 census,
which occurred under the relative freedom of perestroika, the Bashkirs not only
have falsified the numbers of Bashkirs in all other censuses since World War II
– 1959, 1970, 2002 and 2010 -- but also have been caught at it or even admitted
as much (idelreal.org/a/30459554.html
and idelreal.org/a/30468323.html).
Even a cursory examination of the
1959, 1970 and 1979 censuses, he says,
raises questions because it shows the number of Tatars in Bashkortostan falling
even though their natural rate of increase was higher not only of the Russians
but of the Bashkirs, a violation of the law that the CPSU Central Committee
apparatus identified.
In a report in 1987, Moscow documented
that Ufa had reidentified whole villages as Bashkir when they were in fact
Tatar and that it had then had census takers in 1979 and “in part” in 1959
change the number of Bashkirs and Tatars they recorded, boosting the latter by cutting
the number of the latter.
Tagir Akhunzyanov, a Bashkir obkom
official who was fired for overseeing this program, admitted in a 2002
interview that he had directed local officials regarding what percentages of
Bashkirs and Tatars they were to report. “One of the raikom secretaries of
Burayev district in the course of the census reported that ‘the assignment of
the obkom concerning the number of Bashkirs not only has been fulfilled but was
overfulfilled by 15 percent.”
The Bashkir authorities then used
the falsified figures to cut the number of Tatar language schools and thus
boost the number of Tatars they could count as Bashkirs because they spoke
Bashkir after leaving school rather than Tatar. In December 1978, the Bashkortostan
Constitution in fact dropped Tatar as an official language in the republic.
Under the authoritarian conditions
that existed in 1959, 1970 and 1979, Garifullin continues, the Bashkirs found
it easy to falsify census returns. But when conditions liberalized by 1989,
their game was exposed: the number of Tatars rose and the number of Bashkirs
fell when Tatars who had been forcibly listed as Bashkirs declared who they
really were.
Compared to the 1979 census, the number of Tatars
rose to 1.13 million while the number of Bashkirs fell to 864,000. Data on native language use followed the same
pattern in these two censuses, although the share of Bashkir-speaking Bashkirs
naturally rose when the ruse was uncovered.
In the lead up to the 2002 census,
Ufa officials made it clear that they wanted to reverse the trends shown in the
1989 census and were ready to use administrative measures again to get their way. To that end, they launched a major propaganda
campaign intended to get Tatars in Bashkortostan to identify as Bashkirs on
their own.
That didn’t work and so administrative
measures were employed. This reached the point of absurdity, Garifullin continues,
“when census takers even before talking to the population already had in their
hand exact figures as to how many Bashkirs there were supposed to be in any
specific population point.”
It took three years for the
nationality results of the 2002 census to be published, at least in part
because of machinations behind the scenes by Bashkortostan officials. Ufa got its way, Garifullin says, and it was
able to secure the counting of 200,000 Tatars as Bashkirs and dramatically
boost the number of Bashkirs in the republic.
“Preparations for the 2010 census
campaign took place in approximately the same conditions as those for the 2002
enumeration. However, there were some special features,” Garifullin says. Now,
Ufa ordered that the Bashkir share of the population was to reach 41 percent, something
improbable that it didn’t achieve in 2002.
The situation might have been truly
unfortunate had it not been for the fact that Bashkortostan President Murtaza
Rakhimov was forced out of his position in July 2010, the Tatar analyst
says. In the confusion, Ufa didn’t send
specific numerical requirements to the villages and regions, thus allowing a
more accurate count.
In the absence of similar confusion
this all, Garifulllin suggests, falsification is more likely than not once
again.
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