Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 5 – Vladimir Putin
often appears to be more a tactician than a strategist, but his approach to
foreign affairs rests on three ideas that he has never deviated from, Kseniya Kirillova
says. Those have allowed him some successes against his opponents, but they
guarantee that the Kremlin leader is incapable of understanding the world
around him.
It is certainly true, as Angela
Merkel has observed, that Putin “lives in another world;” but it is a world
that is rational on its own terms and explains he has been remarkably
successful in specific cases over the short term but is doomed to fail over the
longer haul (bylinetimes.com/2020/09/04/the-three-pillars-that-govern-putins-mindset/;
in Russian at kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5F5375F7407AC).
The first of these ideas is that
Russia faces “an unconditional enemy” in the United States, a country which he
believes has only “one goal – in whatever way possible to destroy Russia.” That
view justifies his aggressive interference in the US and his “unwillingness to
abandon this tactic evenwhen faced with a backlash and sanctions from
Washington.”
“As a result,” Kirillova continues, “this
anti-American paranoia becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. If the enemy is
implacable and relentless, it is impossible to come to an agreement with him.” And
that in turn means that the US “must be defeated.” But this vision of the world
doesn’t correspond to the facts: the US destroy Russia in the 1990s when it could
have.
The second of these notions is that “people
and nations are not considered subjects but rather as targets to be manipulated
… they can be bribed, intimidated, and in the end eliminated. This
approach automatically turns individuals and entire nations into faceless
entities that can be gamed as if in a mythical casino.”
“This causes Putin and his cronies
to act with bewilderment when people display natural, spontaneous reactions to
external events. Chekists believe that any reaction must be the result of some
external influence, rather than individual agency. If the object lacks its own
will, it cannot act other than as a result of outside manipulation.”
But such conspiratorial thinking, the
US-based Russian journalist says, means that Moscow is incapable of
understanding “the natural reactions of people and the dynamics of spontaneous
processes, including irreversible ones” and is unable to reach any agreement
with the West even if it would be in Russia’s interest.
And third, and arising from the
second, is the notion that “everything that was one Russia must remain its”
possession. Reflecting an extension of the
logic of serfdom, those who have been part of Russia have no right to choose to
be beyond Russia’s control or indeed to make any autonomous decisions about who
they are or what they want.
“The same model exists in relation
to entire regions stubbornly denied self-determination by Russian authorities –
most notably Ukraine and other post-Soviet republics. In the view of the Russian
authorities, everything that was once a part of the Russian empire or the
Soviet Union, including the Russian sphere of influence, inevitably must return
to this sphere.”
Putin’s policies reflect these three
views and have given him some limited success, “but [his] inability to
understand the popular conscience and the phenomenon of genuine civil society
has caused many much more serious failures.” While Putin and fellow chekists
are looking for conspiracies, societies are developing according to entirely
different rules.
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