Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 7 – The leaders of
the three Circassian republics in the North Caucasus -- Kabardino-Balkaria,
Karachayevo-Cherkessia, and Adygeya -- must make a direct appeal to Russian
President Vladimir Putin, a Circassian activist says, because “it is possible
that he is insufficiently informed about the tragic history of the
Adyg-Circassian people.”
According to a report in last
Thursday’s “Gazeta Yuga,” Zhantemir Gubachikov, head of the “For Peace and
Inter-Ethnic Accord” organization, has already called on them to do so because
of Russian restrictions on the repatriation of Circassians from war-torn Syria
to their traditional homeland in the North Caucasus (gazetayuga.ru/archive/2013/40.htm).
Positing that a top leader is “insufficiently
informed” is sometimes a tactic used by those who want to put pressure on more
junior officials or who want to launch a campaign for political change because such
an idea suggests there is a real chance for change if the leader learns the
facts. Indeed, this suggestion is often
put out by those who think the leader can or will change.
And while it is unlikely that Putin
or the Kremlin is going to change course on the Circassians anytime soon, raising
this possibility particularly during the run-up to the Sochi Olympiad --which
will take place on the site and anniversary of the Circassian genocide --may be
useful for both the Circassians and the Russian government itself.
Indeed, Gubachikov’s remarks may be intended to deflect some
Circassian activism away from the issues of the genocide and problems associated
with the territorial divisions of the Circassians in the North Caucasus, but by their very moderation they pose some potentially more serious challenges to Moscow.
His words surfaced in the course of
a discussion of problems in the implementation of a Putin directive on the
resettlement of compatriots from abroad in the North Caucasus: “we are certain
if we seriously take up this case, then without touching on the problems of the
genocide, we could raise the question about the political, economic and social
rehabilitation of the Circassians living abroad.”
According to Gubachikov, “the
division of Circassian lands, which took place after the Russian-Caucasian wars
and “before and after the October revolution” cannot be “corrected. He says that “the Adyg-Circassian people
never has made territorial claims to any people or neighboring subject of the
federation.”
“Our desire,” he suggests, “is that
the repatriants have the possibility to settle in those districts from which
their ancestors were expelled and to receive the assistance and support that
the law calls for.”
The
Russian government’s current repatriation program has several features which
constitute “obstacles” to the return of the Circassians, including ones requiring
knowledge of the Russian language and training in the traditions of Russian culture. Given their tragic history, he says,
returning Circassians should be given a year or two to make up any
deficiencies.
Not
taking that history into account and thus erecting such “artificial barriers
restricting the voluntary and free resettlement” of Circassians to the North
Caucasus is offensive and demeaning, Gubachikov says, suggesting that the
leaders of the Circassian republics must take the lead to ensure that Putin and
Moscow know all the facts.
But
these leaders have to do more for the return of the Circassians. For “more than
a year,” the Kabardino-Balkarian government “has not had its own regional
program for the support of compatriots,” even though given declines in the
population of that republic between 2006 and 2010, there is plenty of room to “easily”
absorb 10,000 to 50,000 from abroad.
Gubachikov
also calls for the republic leaders to draft a new federal law “On the
political rehabilitation of the Circassian (Adyg) people,” one that would take
as its model earlier Soviet and Russian legislation “concerning peoples
repressed during the years of the Great Fatherland War.”
Some
Circassians may see Gubachikov’s ideas as providing Moscow with cover, but many
Russians especially those in Putin’s power vertical are likely to view them as
a more dangerous threat to Russian interests than some more radical ideas that
the Russian government has found it easier to dismiss or ignore.
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