Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 4 – Having faced
intense opposition from non-Russian federal subjects to any change in their
status, Russian President Vladimir Putin has decided to continue his regional
amalgamation program by combining predominantly ethnic Russian oblasts, according
to the Moscow Agency of Political Research.
That group reported on Saturday that
the Kremlin has decided to combine Bryansk and Orel oblasts in the Central
Federal District and Astrakhan and Volgograd oblasts in the Southern Federal on
late next year or in early 2015 after the next rounds of gubernatorial
elections are held there (api-x.livejournal.com/999.html).
According to this Moscow group,
Putin and his entourage have decided to do so because they lack a sufficient “cadres
reserve” to come up with enough effective governors for the existing federal
subjects, but there are almost certainly other factors in the Kremlin’s
calculus assuming this report is true.
On the one hand, Moscow is rapidly
running out of the so-called matryoshka situations in which the center folded
in a predominantly non-Russian republic into a larger and predominantly Russian
oblast or kray. One of the few left is the Adygey Republic in Stavropol kray,
but any change in the status of the former would antagonize both Circassians
and ethnic Russians.
` Any move to combine the remaining
non-Russian republics, particularly in the North Caucasus and the Middle Volga,
would be resisted by national movements both because of their own national
movements and the sad experience of those non-Russian regions that have been
amalgamated, something people in all these places are very much aware of.
And on the other hand, focusing on
predominantly ethnic Russians, few of whom have powerful regional movements
attached to them and thus are in most cases easier to maniuplate, will allow
Putin to portray his amalgamation plan as an ongoing effort rather than
something which local opposition has killed.
There is ample precedent for such a
move. Since the death of Stalin and the return of the peoples
he deported, there have been far more changes in the borders of the
predominantly ethnic Russian oblasts and krays than there have been in the much
more sensitive demarcation lines of the non-Russian republics and districts.
Focusing on the predominantly ethnic
Russian federal subjects now, however, will entail at least three major
problems for the country’s political leadership. First, many Russian
nationalists are likely to view this simultaneously as inappropriate Kremlin
deference to the non-Russians and as an attack on themselves by reducing their
nation’s status.
Second, there is a very real risk
that combining predominantly ethnic Russian regions will create more problems
for the center than leaving them alone. Since the 1920s, Moscow has routinely
split up ethnic Russian regions lest any one of them become too strong and
challenge the center.
The classic example of this is to be
found in the Russian Far East where Moscow repeatedly redivided Russian oblasts
and krays out of a concern that larger Russian areas would be harder to
control. Reversing that approach could recreate the very problems that the
earlier policy of division was intended to address.
That is all the more likely now
because of the emergence of regionalist movements in many parts of the Russian
Federation. Many of them already speak about areas larger than any existing
oblast or kray, and establishing larger federal units could give them a better
launching pad to push their anti-Moscow agendas.
And third, and following from this,
there is a serious danger that this latest round of regional amalgamation could
be hijacked by regional political and economic interests. Major corporations and their political allies
almost certainly would view such changes as an opportunity to expand their on
powers, exactly the reverse of what the Kremlin wants.
In addition to the problems of
combining ethnic Russian regions, there is another and perhaps more important
one. Many non-Russian republics and
oblasts would read the shift in Kremlin policy either as a victory for them and
encourage their resistance to the center or as a temporary respite from
amalgamation efforts directed against them.
In either case, they would be
unintentionally encouraged to promote their own separate national agendas
now. That is all the more so because,
the Agency of Political Research reports, the Kremlin has also decided to
promote regional amalgamation “in every federal district before the end of
2018.”
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