Paul Goble
Staunton,
December 23 – Sixty-five years ago today, Stalin’s notorious secret police
chief Lavrenty Beria was shot, at least according to the official version. As that date has approached, a debate has
broken out in Russia as to whether Beria could have transformed Stalin’s system
into a democracy.
Most people dismiss this possibility out of
hand, but enough are taking it seriously that it is worth noting, not only for
what it says about Beria and the situation following the death of Stalin but
also for what it suggests about the way in which Russians think about their
country’s past and even its future chances.
The
debate has arisen, commentator Yevgeny Krutikov writes in Vzglyad, because of Beria’s actions over the short period of time
between March 1953 when Stalin died and June 1953 when Beria was arrested by
his colleagues in the post-Stalin leadership, only to be interrogated and then
shot (vz.ru/politics/2018/12/23/956762.html).
During that brief
period, when Beria was first deputy chairman of the USSR council of ministers
and head of the ministry of internal affairs, he “bombarded the Politburo with
reports of a reformist character and tried to correct the situation with regard
to repressions in the areas of his responsibility,” Krutikov says.
Most of these had to do with specific
criminal cases that Stalin had initiated near the end of his life for which
there was no basis except the Soviet dictator’s paranoia – the doctors’ blot,
the Mingrelian affair, the murder of Mikhoels, deportations, and so on – or unjustified
imprisonments as well as the use of torture.
Those efforts, Krutikov says, have
given rise to the idea that Beria was a closet liberal who wanted to transform
the system, but if one examines his orders and proposals, there are “extremely
few” that in fact are about political change, except for giving passports to the
peasants and certain rules governing those living in population centers.
The major exception to this involved
Beria’s proposals to unify Germany, something he apparently pushed out of the
belief that it could prevent the continuation of the division of the world into
two blocs and thus reduce pressure on the hard-pressed Soviet Union. But no
documents have been found about Beria’s ideas on this point, Krutikov says.
Consequently, what is known comes
from the indirect memoirs of his opponents and more serious studies of the idea
of German reunification which other Soviet leaders had been quietly promoting
for some time before 1953. But these hints have come together to lead to a Beria
boomlet in recent months.
“Certain experts assert,” Krutikov
says, “that Beria supposedly was ready for a radical ‘perestroika’ of the entire state system of the
USSR, including reducing the leading and directly role of the party, ‘the
restoration of socialist legality,’ and an increase in the role of the soviets
and the government.”
There is no certain evidence for
this, the commentator says. But it does reflect something important. By 1953, “the
Stalinist system of administration with its characteristic and odious aspects,
in the first instance, repressions, by that time had already exhausted itself
and was not fulfilling any useful functions beyond its own reproduction and
self-preservation.”
Dismantling it, Krutikov continues, “was
objectively necessary,” and whoever could promote that first was going to win
the political struggle. Had Beria been able to do so, he might have won; had
someone like Bulganin done so, he would have; but in the event, it as
Khrushchev who did so.
“Both within the country and around
it existed a set of problems which required immediate resolution. In the spring
and summer of 1953, Beria set out quite unsystematically to correct what he
could as head of the interior ministry. But even the idea of returning
passports to the peasants was not connected with agriculture in a direct way.”
Therefore, Krutikov says, “to assess
the potential chances of Beria as ‘the democratizer of the USSR’ is unreal. All
conversations about this reduce to the fact that he ‘didn’t succeed’ or ‘couldn’t,’
but no one can say precisely what precisely he ‘did not succeed’ at doing. And
there always remains the chance that the situation could have only become worse.”
“To present Beria as a positive
figure is just as strange as blackening him completely,” although there is a
real basis for the latter, the commentator says. But however that be, a serious conversation
about him is impossible because of the absence of records and is likely to
remain so for a long time to come.
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